Showing posts with label Church History. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Church History. Show all posts

History, Politics and the Church (Metr. Hierotheos of Nafpaktos)


 By Metropolitan Hierotheos of Nafpaktos

History is closely connected with the Church, since Christ with His incarnation did His work in time and space and the Church lives in historical reality. The written revelation of God is the history of the world, as Fr. George Florovsky said,  "One can suggest that Revelation is the path of God in history - we see how God walks among the ranks of men." That is why "indifference for history always leads to a sectarian dryness, to a doctrinaire attitude." Let us pay attention to the phrase that God "walks among the ranks of men" which is obviously the so-called "sacred history", which is clearly different from common history. Of course, real Church history does not fully identify with historical events, but it is the lives of the saints and the feasts of the Church. Thus, a historian sees the issues in a different way and a Father of the Church in a different way. However, the Church cannot detach itself from historical reality, but neither can it identify with it.

Seven Men Who Tried To Paganize the Origins of Christmas But Failed

Painting shows “The Triumph of Christianity Over Paganism” by Gustave Doré, painted perhaps in 1868.

Every Christmas season, the usual myths are hauled out and distributed for popular consumption. You know them. We’ve all heard or read them.

- That Christmas celebrations were stolen from the Romans
- The Christmas tree is a pagan hangover
- That other gods had virgin births
- That Yule and the mistletoe are all about Odin

These falsehoods are repeated often and loudly, under the guise of being “historical truths.” And strangely they still stump most Christians, who are then filled with doubt about what they believe.

Of course, these myths were designed to elicit precisely this sort of reaction from believers.

Saint Plato of Ancyra as a Model for our Lives

St. Platon of Ancyra (Feast Day - November 18)

By Protopresbyter Fr. George Papavarnavas

Saint Plato was from Ancyra (Ankara) and lived in the late third century. He was born and raised in a wealthy family, but he was frugal, ascetic and merciful. Also he was zealous and inflamed in his earnest work to spread the gospel, at a time when the Church was being persecuted and believers arrested, cruelly tortured and killed. For his actions he was denounced by the prefect Agrippinos, who arrested him and tried to persuade him to renounce his faith, at first with flattery and deceit. He suggested he marry his niece provided, of course, that he renounce his faith and sacrifice to idols. Plato, unsurprisingly, rejected the proposal, boldly confessed his faith in Christ, and did not flinch before his horrible and inhumane torture. He gave a good confession and then sealed it with the blood of martyrdom. After being mercilessly flogged they burned his flesh with lit torches, but because he remained alive they decapitated him and thus he received the unfading crown of martyrdom.

Why Heretics Were Burned Alive


By John Sanidopoulos

When we think of heretics being burned alive, most people think of the time of the medieval Inquisition. Civil authorities indeed burned persons judged to be heretics under the medieval Inquisition. William Graham Sumner says burning heretics had become customary practice in the latter half of the twelfth century in continental Europe, and that death by burning became statutory punishment from the beginning of the twelfth century. But why such a punishment for heresy?

Christianity, the Light of Humanity


By Archimandrite Chrysostomos K. Papathanasiou

Christianity is the revelation of the true God to humanity. It is not an ideological construction or a human philosophy.

We did not discover God, but He revealed Himself to us when His infinite love willed it.

Fr. John Romanides Resource Page


"My good friend, the most pious Presbyter John Romanides, is not an ordinary theologian. He learned theology in two or three Universities and with the help of asceticism which illumined his soul. He knows four languages and is deeply educated. He is literally a monk, fed by the Holy Fathers and the holy liturgical life of the Orthodox Church, singing hymns to God 'seven times a day'."

- Elder Theoklitos Dionysiatis (Athonite Flowers, 1962)


HIS LIFE AND THOUGHT

Theology in Greece in the 1960's

Eldress Eulambia Romanides (+ 1980)

Saint Paisios the Athonite and the Clairvoyant Eldress Eulambia Romanides

 
 

Recordings and Eulogies from the Funeral of Fr. John Romanides (November 6, 2001) 

The Relationship and Correspondence Between Fr. George Florovsky and Fr. John Romanides

My Teacher Fr. John Romanides and my Spiritual Father Fr. George Florovsky

Not A Licensed Theologian

Talking About The Devil

New Book About Fr. John Romanides' Orthodox Dogmatics Presented In Athens

The Theological Legacy of Fr. John Romanides Ten Years After His Repose

Metropolitan Hierotheos of Nafpaktos Lecture on Fr. John Romanides (video)

The Recent Repose of the Lay Theologian Athanasios Sakarellos

THEOLOGY

The Theological Works of Fr. John Romanides

Contemporary Theological Movements in Orthodoxy (Metr. Hierotheos of Nafpaktos)

Dogmatic Lessons of Father John Romanides (1 of 7)

Dogmatic Lessons of Father John Romanides (2 of 7)

Dogmatic Lessons of Father John Romanides (3 of 7)

Dogmatic Lessons of Father John Romanides (4 of 7)

Dogmatic Lessons of Father John Romanides (5 of 7)

Dogmatic Lessons of Father John Romanides (6 of 7)

Dogmatic Lessons of Father John Romanides (7 of 7)      

Orthodox Theology and Hesychasm, According to Father John Romanides 

Prophetic Themes in the Orthodox Ecclesiology of Fr John Romanides

The Application of Orthodox Theology

The Polemical Nature of Theology

The Orthodox Approach to Apologetics and Theological Knowledge

A Question Concerning the Knowledge of God and Orthodox Gnosiology

Can We Know God Through Mathematics?

The Faith of the Mind and the Faith of the Heart

How To Interpret Holy Scripture as an Orthodox Theologian

Theologia Crucis et Theologia Gloriae (Theology of the Cross and Theology of Glory)

The Theology of the Cross and the Theology of Glory - (Theologia crucis-Theologia gloriae): Part 1 of 4

The Theology of the Cross and the Theology of Glory - (Theologia crucis-Theologia gloriae): Part 2 of 4

The Theology of the Cross and the Theology of Glory - (Theologia crucis-Theologia gloriae): Part 3 of 4

The Theology of the Cross and the Theology of Glory - (Theologia crucis-Theologia gloriae): Part 4 of 4 

Fr. John Romanides, the Angel of Great Counsel, and Iconography

The Messiah in the Old and New Testaments

Theosis in the New Testament is called "Glorification"

The Term 'Kingdom of God' Is Not In the New Testament

"That They All May Be One" Patristically Explained

Salvation According to Saint Paul

Salvation and Ethics in St. Ignatius of Antioch

Purification, Illumination and Glorification Are EVERYTHING in Orthodoxy (1 of 3)

Purification, Illumination and Glorification Are EVERYTHING in Orthodoxy (2 of 3)

Purification, Illumination and Glorification Are EVERYTHING in Orthodoxy (3 of 3)

Does Baptism Really Make a Person the Temple of God?

Who Can Receive Holy Communion Every Sunday?

The Criterion for Whether of Not the Church is in a Good State

What are the Criteria for an Ecumenical Synod?

The Myth of Only Seven Ecumenical Councils

The Basis of the Acceptance of the Tome of Leo (Fr. John Romanides)

God and the Devil

Justin Martyr and the Fourth Gospel

Why We Read the Gospel of John After Pascha and Not Before

"The Life in Christ" by Fr. John Romanides

"On the Church" by Fr. John Romanides

The Ecclesiology of St. Ignatius of Antioch

Apostolic Tradition and Apostolic Succession in the Mystery of the Church

The Purpose of Man According to the Greek Fathers

The Theological School of the Apostolic Church

Who Is A Saint? (Fr. John Romanides)

That the Qualities of the Soul Exist by the Grace of God

What is the Difference Between Orthodox Christians and Heretics?

Is Saint Augustine of Hippo A Father of the Church?

A Response To Errors About Fr. John Romanides in the Book "Orthodox Readings of Augustine"

Saints John Cassian, Vincent of Lerins and Faustus of Riez Were Not Semi-Pelagians

Saint Patrick and Unceasing Prayer of the Heart

The Areopagite in 20th Century Orthodoxy

Dialogue Between A Scholastic Theologian and an Orthodox Theologian

"Mystical" Theology or "Secret" Theology

Why The Filioque Is A Heresy

Protopresbyter John Romanides's Teaching on Creation

Do the Saints Have Unerring Knowledge of Scientific Matters?

Scientific Progress as Related to Frankish Civilization and Romanity

Scientific Progress, Frankish Civilization and Romanity

Fr. John Romanides on the Creation of the World and Man (1 of 6)

Fr. John Romanides on the Creation of the World and Man (2 of 6)

Fr. John Romanides on the Creation of the World and Man (3 of 6)

Fr. John Romanides on the Creation of the World and Man (4 of 6)

Fr. John Romanides on the Creation of the World and Man (5 of 6)

Fr. John Romanides on the Creation of the World and Man (6 of 6)

Christian Perfection and the Mystery of the Cross (1 of 3)

Christian Perfection and the Mystery of the Cross (2 of 3)

Christian Perfection and the Mystery of the Cross (3 of 3)

The Mystery of Pentecost According to Fr. John Romanides

Two Introductory Books on Modern Orthodox Spirituality Recommended by Fr. John Romanides


HISTORY

Fr. John Romanides as a Historian

The Term "Romiosini" According to Fr. John Romanides

Orthodoxy as the Official Religion of the Roman State

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (1 of 6)

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (2 of 6)

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (3 of 6)

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (4 of 6)

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (5 of 6)

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (6 of 6)

The Donation of Constantine

Fr. John Romanides on Robin Hood and Orthodoxy

Scientific Progress, Frankish Civilization and Romanity

A Greek or a Roman Revolution?

The Revival of Romiosini in the Thought of Romanides and Yannaras

 
CONTEMPORARY ISSUES
 

A Greek Orthodox View of Ecumenism (1 of 2)

A Greek Orthodox View of Ecumenism (2 of 2)

Fr. John Romanides and Neo-Barlaamism

The Prophetic Letter of Fr. John Romanides to Fr. Theoklitos Dionysiatis

Elder Ephraim of the Holy Mountain and Arizona

Fr. John Romanides' Encounter With the Zoe Brotherhood

The Three Hierarchs and the Greek Emphasis on Hellenism

Fr. John Romanides On Moralism

Is Orthodoxy a Religion?

The Birth of Christ Celebrates the End of the Sickness of Religion

Fr. John Romanides on Extraterrestrial Alien Life

"For the Sake of the World: The Spirit of Buddhist and Christian Monasticism" (Book Review by Fr. John Romanides)

On So-Called Neo-Chalcedonianism

A Critique of the Holy Synod in Resistance

On the Application of the Term "Theologoumenon"

Gregory Palamas in Eastern and Western Theological Thought: A Summary

Neopatristic, Postpatristic and Contextual "Theology"

The Dangers of Parisian Theology

Nationalism in the Conflict Between Muslims and Romans

On Conservatives and Liberals

National Healthcare and the Church-State Relationship in Byzantium

The Diplomatic Potential of Romanity in the 21st Century



The Days of the Schism of 1054 (6 of 6)



5. The Aftermath of the Schism

The exhaustive research of the sources during the twentieth century led many historians to the conclusion that there was no definitive Schism in 1054. This view is supported by two streams of thought.

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (5 of 6)

Patriarch Michael Cerularios sitting on a throne with clergymen, 
from the Chronicle of John Skylitzes


4. The Impact of the Schism on Constantinople

After the first outrage, it seems Constantinople did not give great weight to the actions of the then weakened papal throne. In a climate of political and cultural superiority possessed by the Byzantines in the eleventh century, the actions of the West were probably viewed with disdain and contempt. The rude behavior of the papal envoys merely confirmed the Byzantine perception.

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (4 of 6)



3. The Summer of 1054

The events of 1054 directly caused the military developments in Southern Italy, when the balance of power was overthrown between the Papal State, the Byzantines and the Normans, because of the advancement of the latter. The friction, however, had begun in 1050, when the Pope appointed Cardinal Humbert as Archbishop of Sicily, of the subsequent fatal embassy of 1054, even though Sicily belonged to the Patriarchate of Constantinople and had not been conquered (yet) by the Normans. In retaliation, the Patriarch of Constantinople, Michael Cerularios, took measures against the Latin churches of Constantinople and urged Archbishop Leo of Ochrid to report in writing the Latin errors in 1053. The newest research, however, does not accept that the Patriarch closed the Latin churches in the City, as it was believed until recently. When Humbert was in Constantinople in 1054 he reformed some customs in certain churches there, so obviously the Latin churches of Constantinople must have remained open.

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (3 of 6)

Pope John XVI the Benevolent


2. The Stages of the Schism

The Schism was in fact gradual. However, influenced by papal propaganda for many centuries, historians often refer to "schisms" of the 5th, 7th and especially of the 9th (under Photios) centuries, which never happened. Nowadays, thanks to the extensive research of Francis Dvornik and Fr. John Romanides, the truth is gradually being restored. So the stages that led to the Schism of 1054 are not the iconoclastic stance of Constantinople in the 8th century, nor some mythical excommunication of Photios in the 9th century. All these, as well as prior disputes, were resolved over time and validated formally in Synods with the participation of the Eastern Patriarchates and the Pope.

The actual stages that led to 1054 were the following four:

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (2 of 6)



1. The Times

In 1054 the Byzantine Empire was still living in its "golden age". Its boundaries stretched to the greatest extent it had known from the previous 300 years. Their strong opponents of the past centuries - Persians, Arabs, Franks, Bulgarians - were eliminated or weakened to a degree that they were no longer a threat. The Macedonian Dynasty led the Roman banner on consecutive triumphs, recovering areas such as Crete, Cyprus and Antioch. In the East, as noted by Haralambos Papasotiriou, Byzantium had imposed a "hegemonic peace". For the first time in four centuries the inhabitants of Asia Minor were safe from external invasions, and the borders reached once again beyond the Euphrates. From the tenth century the Arab Empire began to break apart and decline. Already from 929 the Emir of Spain became a self-proclaimed caliph, creating a rival political center in relation to Baghdad. During the tenth century Syria, Arabia and Egypt became autonomous. The largest of these states was founded by the Fatimids in Egypt installing a rival caliphate based in Cairo (969) who refused the legitimacy of Baghdad. With time, Cairo surpassed Baghdad in wealth and power, but was no threat to the Byzantine territories.

The Days of the Schism of 1054 (1 of 6)


By Anastasios Philippides

On the morning of Saturday 16 July 1054, shortly before the Divine Liturgy began in Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, three strangers with strange clothes entered the Sacred Sanctuary and placed on the Holy Altar a document, and they distanced themselves. When they reached the narthex they yelled out in a loud voice: "Videat Deus et judicet" ("Let God see and judge"), and they left. The three strangers, led by Cardinal Humbert, were emissaries of the Pope and the document contained serious charges and an anathema against the Patriarch himself, Michael Cerularios. Four days later a Synod in Constantinople anathematized in order the authors of this document. On Sunday 24 July the anathema was officially read in Hagia Sophia.

Saint Porphyrios of Gaza and the World of Late Antiquity


By Anastasios Philippides

On February 26th our Church celebrates the memory of Saint Porphyrios, Bishop of Gaza in Palestine. Saint Porphyrios came from Thessaloniki and lived between 350 and 420. His Life, among the most ancient lives of a saint after the cessation of persecution, was written by his disciple Deacon Mark and is one of the most eloquent hagiographical texts we have, as it is inspired by the vibrancy of the narrative in the first person, who was an eyewitness.

Fr. John Romanides as a Historian


By Anastasios Philippides
Bachelor of Arts, Yale University; Master of Arts, Georgetown University

The huge contribution of Fr. John Romanides to theology was based on solid empirical, experiential knowledge gained from his family environment, especially his mother Evlampia. Similarly, his contribution to historical science was also based on personal experiences that he had, which led him to original thinking and radical conclusions, after, of course, exhaustive research. He began his first history book, Romiosini (1975), by telling of an incident he experienced in 1951 as a young parish priest in America. He was notified to go to the home of someone who was ill, and by mistake he knocked on the wrong door which was answered by a Greek. At the same time the brother of this Greek came into the living room, whom Romanides recognized as the leader of the Albanians in the city. Neither the two brothers nor Romanides were able to explain this paradox. The key to the interpretation is found in the pages that followed in the book Romiosini.

Also, of course it is no coincidence that Romiosini was written after the encounter of Romanides with Lebanon and Syria, at the Theological School of Balamand. There he realized that thousands of believers belonging to the Patriarchate of Antioch identified themselves as "Roman Orthodox" without being Greeks, not even Greek speakers. This paradox was also solved in the book Romiosini.

On an academic level, Romanides' debt to Florovsky must be recognized, with whom he had a particularly close relationship, as is clear from their hitherto published correspondence. Florovsky was particularly interested in the interaction of theology and history and Romanides was inspired by the same spirit.

The historical work of Romanides consists mainly of three studies: 1) Romiosini (1975), 2) Franks, Romans, Feudalism and Dogma (1982), and 3) Prologue to the second edition of Ancestral Sin (1989). In addition, several historical elements are included in the extended introduction to Roman Fathers of the Church: Volume One (1984), where the synthesis of theological and historical discourse becomes obvious. Yet in almost all of his studies after 1975, historical elements intrude into the theological.

1. The Basic Historical Positions of Fr. John Romanides

The historical positions of Romanides, beginning in 1975 when they were first heard, have become well known now and there is no need to repeat them here except only briefly:

A) Roman Civilization is actually Greek. Rome was a Greek city, and many ancient Roman writers wrote in Greek or were bilingual, and the Greek language was one of the two official languages of the Senate, where the position of the translator was abolished from the first century B.C. This is why the Apostle Paul wrote his Epistle to the Christians of Rome in Greek. Even worship in the city of Rome was conducted in Greek until the early fourth century. In the entire Empire, the majority of the population spoke Greek.

B) The main cultural division of Europe did not come from the diversification of Greco-Roman, but by the diversification of Roman-Frank, that occurred after the conquest of the western section of the Empire by the barbarian tribe known as the Franks. The Franks subjugated the Romans and turned them into serfs, while they remained feudal, enclosed in protected towers. The acquisition was completed by Charlemagne and was accompanied by the theological independence of the Synod of Frankfurt in 794 (that rejected the Seventh Ecumenical Synod), the Synod of Aachen in 809 (that introduced the Filioque into the Symbol of Faith) and the gradual occupation of the papal throne between 983 and 1046. Important milestones in this occupation are 1009 (the ousting of the last Orthodox Pope) and 1014 (the official introduction of the Filioque into the Church of Rome). The descendants of the Romans in the West remained enslaved until 1789, when they revolted and were liberated in France, ignorant however of the Romiosini of their ancestors and their identification with the Romans of the East.

C) The Schism did not occur between the Byzantine and the Roman Churches, but between the Orthodox Romans (of East and West) and the Frankish conquerors of the papal throne. Because the Romans of Old Rome resisted for decades the Frankish aspirations, a direct occupation of the papal throne was required by the Franks (completed in 1046) and immediately after this the Schism was proclaimed. The causes of the Schism are related primarily to the political aspirations of the Franks and not some mythical inevitable contrast between Greek and Roman theology.

D) As conquerors of Western Europe, the Franks imposed their own misrepresentative version of the Story, naming the free Romans "Greeks" to differentiate them from the Romans of France and Italy which they had conquered. Then, after the fall of Constantinople, when there were no more free Romans, they renamed the Empire to "Byzantium", to cut off all the enslaved Romans from their historical continuity and prevent any reconstitution of the Empire. In fact there never has been a "Byzantine Empire". The term was first used in 1562 by Hieronymus Wolf in his publication of a collection of historical sources.

E) Despite all this, however, the enslaved Romans of the East under the Turks retained the memory of their Empire, and there was always a risk of their claiming it anew. The Great Powers, with the assistance of modern Greek intellectuals like Koraes, undertook to persuade the people that they were only descendants of the ancient Greeks who had been enslaved for the past 2000 years under the Romans and the Turks. These same Powers switched to a positive support of the Revolution of 1821 only after having secured their orientation towards their antiquity. This question did not dissolve even a hundred years after Koraes, as demonstrated by the controversy that erupted with the publication History of Romiosini by Argyres Eftaliotis in 1901, when Kostes Palamas defended Eftaliotis, while scholars like Nicholas Polites and Sotiriades taunted him.

The historical work of Romanides focuses on the medieval period, as is reasonable, since this is the period that has been counterfeited from the latest official historiography. However, it does not end there. He extends both into ancient and modern History. This expansion came as a need to clarify obscure areas or to respond to criticism. For example, the view of Romanides regarding the Greekness of ancient Rome seemed awkward to many. So Romanides needed to respond thoroughly in one of his latest studies that he wrote before his repose. It bears the title "Examples of the Science of the Ethnic Cleansing of Roman History and a Vision of the Future United States of Franco-Romania" (a lecture delivered at Hellenic College of Brookline, Massachusetts on 10/17/1998). There he refers extensively to ancient historians like Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who wrote about the early years of the city of Rome.

Similarly, in trying to explain the acceptance of the westernized version of History by the modern Greeks, Romanides investigated the mechanisms and persons who imposed the western view on modern Greece. He thus revealed the role of Koraes and Napoleon, as exposed in the Prologue to the second edition of Ancestral Sin. He names Napoleon as responsible for the death of Rigas Feraios, in order to prevent the reconstitution of the Roman Empire, in the European section as it is presented in the famous Charter of Rigas. Romanides proceeded even to the beginning of the 20th century, examining the two clashes around the ethnic name Greek or Roman, in his study "Kostes Palamas and Romiosini" (1976).

What must be emphasized is that Romanides arrived at the point that he dealt with History as a continuity, and not as a break, from his theological work. Besides, during the period of his historical writings, that began in 1974, he did not cease to produce theological texts. The two were inseparable. For example, his understanding of the differences with western confessions led him to the examination of Apostolic succession and the key discovery of their severing from this succession in the Frankish West. This is why he deeply investigated the obscure and rather unknown Greek period, the period of the 7th and 8th centuries, when the Merovingian kingdom collapses and the Carolingians come to the throne. He writes in his study "Church Synods and Civilization" in 1995: "The Frankish bishops encountered by St. Boniface understood Apostolic succession as a magical power which allowed them to make it the property of their race and use it as the prime means of keeping their subjugated populations pacified by fear of their religious and military powers. Augustine's theories about original sin and predestination helped them in this direction."

As Romanides discovered, in the beginning the Merovingian Franks usurped the right of veto in the elections of bishops. Then they usurped the right to appoint bishops and began to sell positions on bid. Eventually, the Carolingian Franks expelled the Roman bishops and imposed only Frankish bishops in office.

A second example is his historical study of the Filioque, published in 1975 with a revised version in 1982. For understanding the origin of the Filioque, Romanides needed to proceed into thorough historical research, in which the interaction between theology and political history becomes constantly apparent. Finally, developments in the theological thought of the West were often produced as products of political expediency, whether to reject the Seventh Ecumenical Synod in 794, or for the Schism in 1054, or the adoption of the doctrine of the "satisfaction of God" by Anselm of Canterbury, which was an imitation of feudal justice.

2. An Evaluation of the Historical Works of Romanides

Despite the fact that the views of Romanides were based on known published sources, they were not presented in this way by any previous investigator. The composition is solely the work of Romanides. Byzantinists knew there was never a state called "Byzantium", but they used this term without explaining the political implications of this choice. Until today, the historical positions of Romanides have not become widely accepted, nor have they penetrated the textbooks, although they have been widely discussed, particularly on the internet. One would believe them to be completely trivial opinions that are not worth answering or consider them blatantly wrong opinions that are easily refuted by each graduate of History, and so again they are not worth answering. However, they are neither the one nor the other.

In his studies, the fruit of many years and arduous effort, Romanides used countless sources of known reliability. It is difficult to argue that he failed to take account of any significant source that would alter his conclusions. Instead, he managed to draw on small details that might have escaped the attention of other researchers. A typical example is his original claim that in the middle of the eighth century the enslaved Romans under the Franks in contemporary France allied with the Arabs to throw off the Frankish yoke. This information is indeed contained in the Continuations of the Chronicle of Fredegar, which is cited by Romanides but has been ignored until now. Its discovery is indicative of the careful study of the sources by Romanides.

Another example of discovering details that had escaped the attention of other researchers is the London Protocol of 01/31/1836 which determines the right of emigration from the Ottoman Empire to Greece. Romanides examined the original text in French, which he cites in his study "Examples of the Science of the Ethnic Cleansing of Roman History and a Vision of the Future United States of Franco-Romania". As we know, by then in all western languages our ancestors were called "Greeks" (Γραικοί). The text of the London Protocol first introduced the distinction between "Hellenes" (the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Hellas or Greece) and "Grecs" (everyone at that time called Greeks who inhabited the Ottoman Empire). Here is fully revealed the western propaganda that distorted our national names over the centuries. In attempting to diversify the free Romans from the enslaved Romans under the Turks, the Great Powers distinguished between Hellene and Grec, a difference that will certainly cause laughter if translated into Greek.

With his detailed research, Romanides solved a historical question, the answer of which was unknown to the general public. The question was: Why did all the kings of Greece, beginning from the second king (George I, 1863), bear the title "King of the Hellenes", while the first king (Otto), bore the title "King of Greece"? It was known that the Great Powers prevented Otto to bear the title "King of the Hellenes". But why did they allow George I? Because of Romanides we know the explanation: Otto came in 1833, ie before the Protocol of 1836, when even the Great Powers did not differentiate between "Hellenes" and "Grecs". If they called Otto "King of the Hellenes" (Roi des Grecs), they would have stated that Otto was king of all whom those in the West called Grecs (Greeks), ie the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Greece and enslaved Romans in the Ottoman Empire. Not even the Great Powers wanted this, nor, of course, Turkey. Instead, at the time when George I came in 1863, there was a distinction between "Hellenes" and "Grecs", thanks to the Protocol of 1836. So George was named King of the Hellenes (Roi des Hellenes) and everyone was pleased.

Therefore, it cannot be argued that Romanides ignored the sources. It is equally difficult to argue that he misunderstood his sources. For example, the view that the Roman Empire, before the invasion of the barbarian tribes, was bilingual is no longer an acceptable conclusion of modern researchers. To be exact, the majority of the population spoke Greek, as it has been convincingly supported by the leading contemporary scholar of Late Antiquity, Peter Brown (The World of Late Antiquity and other works). The reason was simple: All major urban centers located in the eastern part of the state, had already been Hellenized since the time of the successors of Alexander the Great. Apart from Rome, there was no major city in the western part of the Empire.

The university professor, Protopresbyter Fr. George Metallinos, studied the historical sources for decades, primarily of the Turkish occupation and the nineteenth century, but not only these, and this resulted in the identical conclusion produced by Romanides. The extensive published works of Fr. George confirms the findings of Romanides.

The same results were obtained from independent personal research from sources of Medieval History. Among other things examined were the History of the Franks by Gregory of Tours, the History of the Goths by Jordanes, the Chronicle of Fredegar, the History of the Lombards by Paul the Deacon, the Laws of the Lombards curated by Drew K. Fischer, the Biography of Charlemagne (Vita Caroli) of Einhard, the Report of the Embassy to Constantinople (Relatio de legatione Constantinopolitana) by Liutprand of Cremona, the Chronography of Theophanes, the Epistles of Patriarch Nicholas Mystikos, the For His Own Son Romanos by Constantine Porphyrogenitos and his epic Digenis Akritas. None of the conclusions of Romanides are inconsistent with the sources we examined.

So far we do not have in mind a coherent refutation of the positions of Romanides. However, below we will present five criticisms that have been raised at times regarding his views.

A) Perhaps the biggest overall critique of the work of Romanides comes from Vladimir Moss in his study Against Romanides -- A Critical Examination of the Theology of Fr. John Romanides (2012). As regards the historical part, Moss disagrees with Romanides arguing that:

a) The Franks were the only Orthodox of all the barbarian people from the outset who settled in the territory of the Roman Empire (the others converted to Arianism). Therefore, the "conquest" of the Franks, by Clovis for example, around 510 was celebrated by the Romans of the West as a "liberation" rather than a conquest. (p. 73)

To support his argument, Moss refers to the Catholic Encyclopedia of 1917, where we read of Clovis: "Everywhere he introduced good laws." This certainly cannot be regarded as a credible rebuttal. Moreover, the favorable treatment of the Franks from the Catholic Encyclopedia confirms rather than undermines the claim of Romanides.

Furthermore, Moss refers to the History of the Franks by Gregory of Tours, writing that "nowhere does he challenge the legality of the Frankish power" (p.74). Romanides read Gregory of Tours differently, who "wrote the History of the Franks until 591, that is, 1) Before the Franks completely infiltrated the hierarchy and 2) during the time when there was a certain cooperation between Franks and Romans for the sake of common problems. Nevertheless, although Gregory was inspired by the much hoped for dream that the Romans would eventually affect the Franks for the good and that the Romans would manage to continue, mainly through the bishops, the administration of the numerous Romans conquered by the Franks, he does not conceal even the smallest detail regarding the ferocity and brutality of the Franks" (Romiosini, p. 137).

b) The distance of Western Europe from Orthodoxy, writes Moss, cannot be attributed only to one German tribe that tried to destroy Romanism (p. 76). The Romans of the West participated in the conflict with Constantinople: Pope Stephen II sought help from the Frankish king Pepin in 754 and insulted the "Greeks" in his epistles. Pope Hadrian I unveiled in 785 the Pseudo-Isidorean Decretals which became the basis for the claim of papal absolutism in subsequent centuries (p. 79). Pope Leo III was the main winner in the coronation of Charlemagne in 800, because he "obtained a 'pocket emperor' in place of the Eastern Emperor" (p. 81).

Moss refers extensively to a book by a certain French abbot of the 19th century (Guettee) in order to recount the relationship between the papacy and Charlemagne. The reader wonders how it is possible for a conventional book published 150 years ago, that reiterates the established views, can be considered a rebuttal of Romanides. In each case, Romanides had answered all the specifics regarding the Pseudo-Isidorean Decretals, which he considered to be formed as a line of defense by the Roman Popes against the Frankish attack. Also, it is difficult to convince anyone that Pope Leo won something against Charlemagne, apart from the temporary suppression of a militaristic ruler. Besides, as Moss writes immediately further, Charlemagne ignored the Pope when he was to crown his son Emperor Louis (p. 81).

Despite the Manichean simplifications of his critics, Romanidis has shown a much more complex representation of this period. It has nothing to do with the "racial theory" that Moss criticizes (p. 96), and Romanides does not consider all western Romans to be the "good guys" of History. At a time of enormous pressure and foreign occupation, many settled for the Franks either for tactical reasons or for reasons of belief. Successive changes to the papacy, especially in the tenth century, reflected the changes in the balance of forces between the Franks and Romans of Rome. However, even under the toughest conditions of Frankish pressure, the Popes remained Orthodox in dogma, which is why their names are recorded in the diptychs of Constantinople until 1009. The characteristic example is the same Leo III, the pope who crowned Charlemagne in 800. When the Franks proclaimed as dogma the addition of the Filioque to the Symbol of Faith (Synod of Aachen, 809), Leo responded by making the Creed without the Filioque on two silver plates in the Church of Saint Peter with the inscription: "Leo laid these for the love and protection of the Orthodox Faith" (Romiosini, p. 59). It was a move of the utmost bravery, when the undefeated armies of Charlemagne were still in Italy.

c) As most readers of Romanides, Moss rejects the radical view that the French Revolution was a rebellion of the Gallo-Roman serfs against their Frankish rulers. He just calls it "nonsense" and considers that by this sort of thing Romanides "departed from history into the realm of imagination" (p. 94). However, younger foreign researchers have identified evidence that supports Romanides. In his interesting study titled The Franks, Edward James cites a quote from a letter of Catherine the Great, during the course of the French Revolution, where the Tsarina writes: "Do you not see what is happening in France? The Gauls are driving out the Franks." Therefore, in the great courts of Europe it was known what was happening, even though the rebels were called "Gauls" instead of "Romans".

B) Apart from the overall criticism of Moss, the other individual reviews that have been published are much leaner. Aidan Nichols, a Catholic priest and university professor, in a thorough review of the leading Orthodox theologians of the 20th century, characterizes Romiosini as a "strange work", but the only rebuttals offered are as follows: "The main problem with this historical thesis is that Western barbarians, instead of wishing to rebuild the Western Roman Empire in their own image, and thereby break from the shackles of the East, were rather too glad to accept any of its heritage, either cultural, linguistic or religious, which the Greco-Roman world as a whole might have offered."

The observations of Nichols might have been true, in part, for the initial conquerors of Italy, the Ostrogoths, who adopted many outer attributes of the Roman government. They were not, however, those who left their permanent mark on Western Europe. After their defeat by Justinian, they disappeared from the scene of history and the evolution of Western Europe was established by the Franks. The Franks chose conflict with the Roman Empire, not only politically, but also culturally and theologically. Therefore, they were not "too glad to accept any of its heritage." However, it is remarkable that Nichols, notwithstanding the comment above, considers Romanides as one of the leading theologians of the world of the twentieth century.

C) A critique that seems to underlie many comments of Greeks regarding the positions of Romanides is his preoccupation with our national historical names is anachronistic and that the issue of national names is not essential today. However, as demonstrated by the experience of the past twenty years, where Greece is engaged in a diplomatic unresolved name dispute with a neighboring state, national names are not innocent choices. Instead, they carry complex symbolism, and include territorial disputes, redefining historical choices and feeds the cultural achievements of the future. It is therefore absolutely essential to have an adequate knowledge of our national names and the symbolic weight they carry.

D) A superficial reading of the work of Romanides can lead to the impression that the conclusion of his views leads to a peculiar nationalism. Instead of a modern Greek nationalism there arises a "Romanistic" nationalism, they say. The Romans identified with the Orthodox Christian exclusion of other peoples from the correct faith, they explain. "A Chinese person cannot become Orthodox? Why should Romiosini be identified with Orthodoxy?" they question.

In fact, Romanides saw Romiosini as something much broader than the boundaries of a nation, whether or not it was Roman - assuming one could speak of a "Roman nation". Romiosini is a universal culture that includes Hellenism in its ecumenical dimension. Christianity was provided with the terminology of the Greek language, but everybody can incorporate the Greco-Roman Christian heritage into their own tradition. Indeed, not even the modern Greeks have some preferential treatment of ethnic origin. Instead, to the extant that they ignore the history of Romiosini, they have accepted the propaganda of Western Europe and turned into Greekies.

Despite allegations from several critics, Romiosini proved over the centuries that it is eminently above nationalism. It enrolled and assimilated diverse peoples of different language backgrounds, giving no importance to the place of their origin or their social status. The purpose has always been to rescue the therapeutic method for people, which had been lost to other cultures, and to lead them to theosis. This purpose has no relation with the property of peoples, chosen nobles or sacred languages.

Romanidis himself constantly stressed the difference between Romiosini and nationalism: "Although a Roman has an absolute conviction in their Romiosini, they are neither fanatic nor intolerant, nor do they have any xenophobia. On the contrary they love strangers though not naively. This is because they know that God loves all people and all tribes and all nations without discrimination and without preference." He continues later: "Wherefore Romiosini is confidence, humility and philotimo and not phony confidence, fowardness and egoism. The heroism of Romanity is a true and lasting condition of the spirit and not cruelty, barbarity and rapacity."

E) Finally, a more general and quite convincing critique presents the conclusions of the research of Romanides as having utopian features. When they conclude a study of his works, many readers are led to an opinion that the author urges a reconstitution of the Roman Empire today. Indeed, the last pages of Romiosini, in the Epologue, looks like an ambitious political manifesto for the return of the "teuton-formed" Europe to the "Greek culture of the Romans":

"Western descendants of the Romans not only reversed the class nobility and theology of the feudalism of the conquerors, but they are ready to return to the Romiosini of their ancestors which the East Romans preserve till today with their many cultural manifestations which once existed in western Romiosini" (p. 273).

He continues:

"A non teutonic-formed, though to a certain extant distorted, Roman-voiced and Celtic-voiced Romiosini was preserved in western Europe, and is returning to its national, religious and political unity since it repels the teutonic spirit which cuts off the descendants of the Romans into small egocentric and selfish states" (p. 275).

Perhaps it is a utopia. It is a utopia just like the proclamation of the Jews of the Diaspora in 1897 when they sought to return to the Promised Land, with their capital in Jerusalem, after being scattered for 2000 years. However, not even fifty years were needed for this to be realized.

Romanides recognizes that his vision is utopian, but he hastens to add that it is less utopian than the current vision of a European Union: "In as much as today's Europeans are already trying to do something similar, why can't the ancestors of the Romans seek a less utopianistic and historically true unity?"

The vision of a European Union is more utopian because: "As it is currently, the Teutonic-formed Europe will never be united as it is dominated by the racist, sexist, sectarian, eudaimonistic and exploitative spirit of the Teutons which seeks the subjugation and exploitation of the people under small mercenary groups" (Romiosini, p. 275).

In the era of the Memorandum, as the people of Europe are increasingly removed from each other and insult one another hurling racist slogans, the words of Romanides are heard, once again, as prophetic.

Concluding this brief report, we can summarize how, apart from being a world leading theologian, Fr. John Romanides was also a pioneer historian. He used fragments of obscure information that escaped the attention of other researchers and composed a completely new concept, which has withstood time and criticism. This ambitious synthesis combines historical research with a theological proposal and is solidly grounded in the tradition of both the Church and the Orthodox people. This is why it will remain a valuable property for future generations of all humanity.

Source: Ekklesiastiki Paremvasi, "O π. Ιωάννης Ρωμανίδης ως ιστορικός, September 2013. Translated by John Sanidopoulos.
 

Modern Discourse and the Challenge of History


Fr. James Siemens
September 2, 2013

A good deal of our current malaise, both in the Church and in society more broadly, can be attributed — I think — to a certain disregard for history. In terms of contemporary history, this disregard might be more accurately called amnesia, but equally that might be to give too much credit to those who do not account for the past — as if theirs is a merely passive act. No, I think the problem is worse than that. The problem is much more conscious, deliberate, and even vandalistic. This is in spite of the fact that, to the credit of a few in the media, there have been some recent acknowledgments of the importance of history, not least in relation to Syria and the Middle East, but also in relation to the Church Herself.

The recent celebrations in Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine around the 1025th anniversary of the baptism of Kyivan Rus’, however contentious, have at least served as a catalyst for historical debate, with Ukrainian memory serving as a counterpoint to the misappropriation of history by others with their own ecclesiastical or political agendas. Developments in the public conversation around human sexuality, meanwhile, represent an act of conscious disdain for history of the sort that has come to characterize most Western dialogue more generally. Saying nothing, for example, about the fundamental rights of people of homosexual orientation, the arguments proffered in the last year by David Cameron’s government in the United Kingdom in favor of same-sex marriage amounted to nothing short of historical sacrilege. Where attention was paid to historical witness it was seldom more than in caricature, while terminology distilled through the process of centuries was disavowed and redefined at the stroke of a pen, the strike of a key, or the sound of an offhand comment. Unfortunately, the voice of the Church — at least in Britain, and at least as it was communicated publicly — was no better. What the media picked up was often reactionary in tone, wholly failing to satisfactorily enunciate an understanding of types of human relationships, types of human love, and the genesis of marriage itself. This was in spite of more than two thousand years of thinking about the matter. Alas, neither politicians nor theologians have been able, in this debate, to corral the forces of history to present something resembling historical and philosophical truth.

The very notion of history and the power it holds over society is one that extends back to the earliest civilizations. No pharaoh of early Egypt, for example, would have been so bold as to rule in ways divergent from his predecessors. For them, what had been done before dictated what could be done in the present, the rule of Akhenaten being the only fleeting exception. Even as people became more critically engaged with events of the past, these events were treated with utmost respect: history, to the ancients, both set precedent and transmitted meaning, and was therefore to be considered among the most fundamental sources of knowledge. From Judaic apocalyptic texts, through St Luke, to Eusebius, to the late antique chroniclers and those engaged in paschal computation, what had once happened pointed to what would happen, and so indicated what should happen. To be sure, the approach of contemporary humanity — at least in the West — both in the religious and secular realms, represents a radical divergence from this worldview, and the worldview of every civilization since that of ancient Mesopotamia.

The reasons for this, I imagine, are manifold. Certainly, the ideological abuse of history by the various totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century is one, leading as it did to widespread exasperation with any hint of enthusiasm for the historical in the wake of the Second World War. This ideological abuse may not have been the first of its kind where history is concerned, but in a philosophically fragmented world, it provided the perfect pretext for building a new order without the need to acknowledge, reference, or defer to, precedent. The repercussions of this can be seen in post-war urban planning, architecture, visual art, composition, and dance, national approaches to education, and even the Church’s liturgy. Indeed, it is resoundingly clear that the intellectual landscape of contemporary Ukraine continues to suffer from the misappropriation of history by different factions. The fact that the post-war world is also post-Freudian will have some bearing on many of these things but, in essence, it is surely the rejection of the historical as any kind of reference point that represents the foremost factor in Western society’s disintegration.

As theoretical as all this may seem, it is vital that traditional Christians — and anyone else with an interest in the proliferation of well-ordered, well-educated, and well-grounded society — learn to engage with history: not as a mere repository of motifs for romantic fiction, nor as something to be cast aside out of ignorance, but as the source of truth as it has unfolded across generations. To this end, we must learn the difference between historical notions and what the sources actually reveal. We must learn to interpret evidence, and to set aside our preconceived notions. We must learn to identify those areas in which respect for precedent has been eschewed in favor of an existentially determined style. The implications if we do not do this include everything from the prospect of further global violence, to increasingly oppressive legislation, to the surmounting loss of our artistic, intellectual, and liturgical heritage. At this pivotal moment in human history, the aim of every able person should be to engage issues by casting them against their historical background, and reading them in relation to the sources from which they emerge. Ultimately, only an ad fontes approach to questions we face will give us the context we need in order to plot a way forward.