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MYSTAGOGY

MYSTAGOGY
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J.Sanidopoulos
This weblog offers insights and analysis on various matters of life and thought from a 21st century Orthodox Christian perspective, among other things.
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      • The Rise of Right Wing Hate
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      • Holy Places and Relics of Georgia
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      • Saint Eustathius of Mtskheta in Georgia
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      • How the Rich and the Poor Help Each Other
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      • The Curious Crucifix of Rila Monastery
      • The Hand of Saint John of Rila
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      • 5th Century Monastery Unearthed in Syria
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Tuesday, July 13, 2010

Christianity and Islam - Two Related, Yet Different Religions


by Photios Kontoglou

“Eastern peoples are more religious”, an ancient writes, wishing to say that Easterners are more religious than people in the West, in Europe. Note that East is also the Balkans together with Russia.

To an Easterner feeling is more intense than reasoning, while the opposite happens with a European; and since faith regards heart and not reasoning, Easterners are more religious than Europeans, and thus religions were born in the East, none of them in the West.

Westerners are rationalists, which is why they were devoted to positive knowledge, to sciences, and made a progress there, today leading the whole world to their way. Those among them that make a difference and they don’t believe only in their senses, turn to the East, because they discover there a spring to drink, who are thirsty for mysteries beyond the investigation of reasoning.

How intensely the western man is tied with rationalism, is evident by the distortion Christianity suffered in Europe, where she became little by little a system of worldly knowledge, having as a purpose earthly happiness and not salvation of the soul, which the Christ taught. In the West even theology was subdued to rationalism, and became herself a science like all sciences.

In the East religion remained religion. Even Mohammedanism, what is called Islam, an inferior perception of religion, with some crude commands, yet kept pure its religious character, away from innovations and adaptations to each epoch, that is, away from rationalization. The material means by which the religion of Koran is expressing herself, the mosque, the hodga, chanting, decoration, vestments of the clergy, ceremonies, all remained totally unchanged, as they were when Islam started.

At a time when the Christian religion was distorted by innovations dictated by a rationalistic worldly spirit, where from the Papacy was born, and also Protestantism and the rest of their branches, something that did not happen with Orthodoxy, which remained unchanged, being the Christianity of the East, Mohammedanism stands always as it was from the start, that is, it remained a “religion”.

From this aspect our Orthodox Church is partly closer to Mohammedanism than to the so-called Christians in the West, because Mohammedanism did not cease to be a religion and remained unspoiled by the spirit of the world, the utilitarian spirit. This explains why we see Arabs kissing in deep reverence the cloth or the beard of our priests, and Mohammedans to be baptised Christian Orthodox and some times to become martyrs for Christ, while none, not one, Papist or Protestant is among the new martyrs that were beheaded or hanged at the times when Turks reigned over us. Christians who were tortured and became martyrs for the name of Christ in Persia are countless.

I heard a priest from Damascus saying that the king Abdullah told the Patriarch of Antioch these words: “You, Orthodox, the way you look, make us Muslims respect you as men of religion, while those western priests seem like agents of suspect affairs.”

Western Christianity lost its ecumenical, global, character, because, as we said, it was reduced to a worldly system by the wish to be adapted every time to every epoch, so that nothing remained there immovable, nothing of “religion”, while Mohammedanism, although Koran is a crude variation of the Gospel, kept until today its ecumenical character.

Everywhere a hodga has the look that reminds him of his prophet, while the priests and pastors of the West have no external resemblance with the leader of their religion, and sometimes, you think that they aim not to be like Him at all, but to resemble their pagan ancestors. As an example I mention the two leaders of Eastern and the Western Christianity, Patriarch Athenagoras and Pope Paul, who met with each other in Jerusalem.

Look at the photographs and you will see that these two persons are different in everything, despite they say that they are archpriests of the same religion. Observe their appearance and you will know how true this is: the one, the Patriarch, has a priestly look, with beard and long hair, as the Christ had, he wears wide cloth, eastern, as were, more or less, the clothes that they had at the places where Christ appeared, while the Pope is shaved like the ancient Romans and wears a tiny scull-cap and his clothes are made-up, in a word, nothing of his exterior is such, that when you see him you remember the Christ or the holy Apostles - and yet these two priests say they are archpriests of the same religion.

It is true that we Orthodox Christians suffered much from Muslims, especially Turks. This happened because their religion too was distorted by racial passions, although even Mohammed started to spread Koran by war. Note that Arabs, the patriots of Mohammed, do not recognise the Turks, who took religion from them, as genuine Muslims, and they don’t like them. ...

Mohammed, the founder of the new religion in the East, was an illiterate camel driver. At his years, as before, his country Arabia had for religion a mixture of idolatrous superstitions about a big black rock they called Kaaba, which the patriots of Mohammed worshipped and still worship.

At that time in Arabia, Jewish merchants dominated, but also Christians existed even in Mecca. Mohammed realised that his race was far below these religions, the Jewish and the Christian, and wanted to help her, to open her eyes, because, although illiterate and unhewn, he was clever. He was greatly impressed by the life of Christians, especially in monasteries, he admired the monks, that they were devoted to God paying no care to the vanities of the world, and besides their denial of property, that they held fast, they prayed, they were hospitable, they loved the other people. This is why he had many relations with Christian monks.

He also had a close relation with some Jewish woman, very wealthy, Chatitze, with whom in the end he was married. Chatitze was very learned, and she had always learned people in her company, among them a wise astrologer named Varakas, who had been baptised Christian and had translated to Arabic numerous fragments of the Old Testament. Mohammed was very much helped by his wife, because with her he was talking about all he had learned on the religious situation of the East during his trips from Mecca to Damascus, when he was a driver to caravans. His name and his knowledge spread to Mecca and the rest of Arabia. Despite his admiration for Christians, he saw that they were divided by heresies and weakened by that. Along with this, he saw that the weakness of the Christian religion was that it was teaching virginity, or no more than monogamy, while these races were from the creation of the world used to polygamy.

Therefore, after he had thought on all these, at the age of forty he presented himself as a Prophet sent by God, saying he was seeing the Angel Gabriel, who told him the will of God in order to preach it to the world. Some of these he put and wrote in the Koran.

In his country, Chentza, lying near the Red Sea, people were in a semi-wild condition. Christians there were not. By his preaching he didn’t manage to gather more than a few faithful followers. But when he urged Arabs to holy war, allegedly to spread the Koran, his patriots obeyed and followed him with fanaticism and thus the new religion was spread, yet, as we’ll see, this was accomplished less by Arabs and more by other peoples of the East, more clever, as Greeks, Egyptians, Syrians, Persians, and others.

The greatest part of the Koran was written after Mohammed died, who didn’t know how to write or read. The Koran was written by others, more literate, and maybe not Arabs.

Mohammed and the others, who completed the Koran, were building upon the Christian religion and their admiration for Christianity is not hidden. Yet their holy book is full of undigested and crude elements of the Old and the New Testament, which is why the Koran was accepted more easily than the Gospel by those barbaric peoples.

The Koran praises the Church of Christ, “where unceasingly the name of God is honored”, and this Church is the Orthodox Church, the One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic, which is why Mohammed gave to his religion the name “Islam”, that means “Orthodoxy” in Arabic.

Besides these [elements belonging to Christianity] there are in the Koran the most diverse things, in a way that in it a great hiatus reigns, not felt by the simple and unhewn followers of the Koran. It is full of incomprehensible things, of flashy words with no meaning. It says again and again many times the same things, it speaks vaguely about prophecies in a manner extempore and disorderly.

There are in this book the most contradictory things. God is here “merciful and compassionate”, elsewhere “cruel and vengeful”. The same happens with all that Mohammed says about himself: here he praises himself, elevating himself to the peak, and elsewhere he calls himself a sinner. And in his life, where he is a saint and sees Angels and visions, there he is abandoned to women and pleasures.

As he understood that his preaching was not enough, he grasped the sword, which is more effective. This is why he wrote: “Whoever preach my faith, let them not lose time with preaching. Let them kill”. When he felt himself strong, he started war and bloodshed. While in the start he flattered the Jews, in order to gain their support, later, when he had no need of them, he chased and killed them. The same happened later on with Christians, by his heirs. He gives his word, he signs with his hand inked, and afterwards he doesn’t keep his word, when his interest demands so. He is becoming a politician and a diplomat.

Arabs had no writing to write in their language, and Mohammed himself says in the Koran that he doesn’t know how to write or read. Until today, the inhabitants of Arabia are (almost all of them) illiterate. How then, one thousand and three hundred years from then, did they manage to make the so-called Arabic culture, Islam? How did they become suddenly philosophers, mathematicians, poets, artists, astronomers, geographers, historians, - people who were drifting around like gypsies on their camels in a waste land?

This phenomenon can not be explained by any other way, but only if we admit that those who practiced the sciences and the arts were not the people of the wild Arabia, but men from other nations of the East, who had embraced the new religion, that is, Mohammedans of Syria, Egypt, Persia, Asia Minor, and most of all Greeks... Most of the Muslims came from races which changed their own faith, as are those that we said and also others…

That Islam was created not by Arabs but by ancient peoples of the East, having from before a spiritual growth dating back to the times of Alexander the Great, was supported with erudition by a wise French scholar named Rimbaud, who lived for many years in Arabia and the East and studied well and in place the Arabs. To the preface of his book “Hellenism In the First Ages of Islam” he writes:

“It seems to be verified and proved true by the facts, that all those various works the spirit of the East produced at the dawn of the medieval times, were the last gleam of the ancient civilizations before they were darkened by Islam… The works of art and thinking of that important epoch, when Mohammedanism culminated, are works made by the Greeks”.

Truly, how could they reach Spain, on the one hand, and on the other Persia, India, Sumatra and Java, even China, people like the indigenous of Arabia, who never traveled and didn’t know what the sea is? Persons from other races, and especially Greek sea-men or land travelers and merchants were going to those far places, and by them there were written also the imaginary traveling stories, as is Halima, which is the Arabic Odyssey. Sebah the sea-man is the new Ulysses. During this time there was a bloom of learning in Persia, Syria and Egypt, while Arabia was sunk in ignorance and superstition, having no idea of Aristotle and algebra. Rimbaud writes that “when Romans conquered Syria and Egypt, stayed very little in these countries and their influence was insignificant. The basis of the population of Asia Minor and Egypt remained Hellenic. Sciences, arts and merchandise stayed in the sure hands of the Greek race.”

Source: Photis Kontoglou, Works, v. 6 (Mystical Flowers), Athens 1992, 4th edition, pp. 31-42.
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Bishop Demetrios on the Atheist Debate


Friday, June 25, 2010

His Grace Bishop Demetrios responded to an article that appeared in the Chicago Tribune entitled, "Secularists spreading the word to skip church," with the following letter which appeared in the June 24th edition of the Tribune.

This is in response to "Secularists spreading the word to skip church" (Page 1, June 17), by Tribune reporter Manya A. Brachear. There is a certain irony when so-called atheists, agnostics and freethinkers, thinking they are sparking "a public conversation" with adherents of religious tradition, resort to tactics that preclude debate and insult the very people they seek to engage. Indeed those who would claim a priority of rationality are hard-pressed to provide a clear rationale for their efforts to convince those of faith to forego their own traditions and customs.

Are not those who "argue that beliefs should be based on rationality, not on religious tradition or dogma" being themselves dogmatic? In seeking converts to their cause, have they not adopted the very form of religious traditions? A fallacy is not part of rational argument, and it is a fallacy to state that religious faith cannot coexist with reason, or that religion is opposed to scientific endeavor, and so forth. It is also simply untrue that non-religious people have been persecuted or shunned by American society of the past several decades, when court decisions and legislation have continually eroded religious expression in the public sphere. I certainly respect the right of such people to express their views. This nation is founded on the principle of respect for all people, and it is only in the U.S. that there exists such a diverse population, ethnic, religious and non-religious.

Here in Chicago, as the chancellor of the Greek Orthodox Metropolis and a former president of the Council of Religious Leaders of Metropolitan Chicago, I have seen firsthand the wonderful tolerance of our people. True there are always instances of intolerance and the failures of some to uphold the finest principles of diversity and respect in our nation. They are truly imprisoned in their own intolerance. That is certainly anything but "free" thinking, and that is simply sad.

— Bishop Demetrios of Mokissos, chancellor, Greek Orthodox Metropolis of Chicago
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Synaxis of the Archangel Gabriel

Synaxis of the Archangel Gabriel (Feast Day - July 13)

This great archangel of God is celebrated on March 26. On this day however, he is celebrated and honored for his appearances and miracles throughout the entire history of man's salvation. It is believed that this celebration was first established on Mt. Athos in the ninth century, during the reign of Emperor Basil and the Empress Constantina Porphyrogenitus and Patriarch Nicholas Chrysoverges, on the occasion of the appearance of the Archangel Gabriel in a cell near Karyes where he wrote on a stone tablet with his finger, the hymn to the Birth-giver of God, "Worthy It is meet," [Dostojno Jest Axion Estin]. As a result of this, even today, this cell is called the cell of "Axion Estin." In connection with this, other appearances of the Archangel Gabriel are also commemorated: the appearance to Moses while he was tending the flock of Jethro and, at which time, he related to this great one called of God, how the world was created and all the rest which Moses recorded in his Book of Creation (Genesis); his appearance to the Prophet Daniel and revealing to him the mystery of future kingdoms and of the coming of the Savior; his appearance to St. Ann and the promise that she will give birth to a daughter, the All-blessed and All-pure Holy Virgin Mary; the very brief appearance to the Holy Virgin while she lived in the Temple in Jerusalem; the appearance to Zacharias the High Priest and the tidings concerning the birth of John the Forerunner and the severe punishment of Zacharias with dumbness because he did not believe his words; again, the appearance to the Holy Virgin in Nazareth and informing Her of the good news of the conception and the birth of the Lord Jesus Christ; the appearance to the righteous Joseph; the appearance to the shepherds near Bethlehem; the appearance to the Lord Himself in the Garden of Gethsemane when he strengthened our Lord as a man prior to His passion; the appearance to the myrrh-bearing women and so forth.

From The Prologue by St. Nikolai Velimirovich


Apolytikion in the Fourth Tone
O Commanders of the Heavenly Host, we the unworthy beseech you, that through your entreaties you will fortify us, guarding us in the shelter of the wings of your ethereal glory, even as we fervently bow before you crying: "Deliver us from all danger, as Commanders of the Powers on high! "

Kontakion in the Plagal of the Second Tone
As thou beholdest the glory of God in Heaven, and on earth dost bestow grace from on high, O leader of Angels, wise Gabriel, minister of the glory of God, and divine defender of the world, save and keep them that cry to thee: Be thyself our helper, and no one can be against us.

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Saint Golinduc the Persian Who Was Renamed Mary

Saint Golinduc (Golindoux) the Persian (Feast July 13)

Saint Golinduc (Golindoux) lived in Persia during the reign of Chosroes II, King of Persia (590-628), and of Maurice, Emperor of New Rome (582-602). She was a Persian pagan woman, who had a good soul and intentions. Endowed with a lucid mind, Golinduc perceived the falseness of the pagan wisdom, and she pondered much about what the true Faith might be. She always sought to do good and she praised God in her life. Her husband, however, was a magician and superstitious.

Once Golinduc came into a trance and saw heaven, a bright place with many happy people dressed in shining clothes. She felt happy and with longing tried to get into that pleasant place. She was prevented by an Angel telling her: "The witnesses of Christ stay here". And immediately his vision was lost, leaving Golinduc feeling sad. When she brought herself under control, she went and found the Christians in the city. "I want to be a witness of Christ," she told them. They received her, gave her catechism and baptized her giving her the name Maria. And her joy was great!

But when her husband learned all about these things, he complained to the king and King Chosroes II ordered that she be banished into a fortress, which was called "Oblivion." Maria stayed for eighteen years in this fortress living with suffering and deprivation, but having in her heart joy and peace due to her faith in God. Every now and then, people of the king tried to persuade her to deny Christ.

During the reign of Chosroes' successor, his son Ormisdas, there arrived in Persia an ambassador of the Byzantine emperor Mauricius, named Aristobulus. Having learned that for many years Mary the Christian was languishing in prison, Aristobulus repeatedly visited her in prison with the permission of the emperor and taught her to sing the Psalms of David. After the departure of Aristobulus, Ormisdas gave orders to present St Mary-Golinduc before him and for a long time he tortured her, subjecting her to all sorts of beatings and torments. But in all the torments through the intercession of God the saint was preserved unharmed. When they gave her over for defilement, the Lord made her invisible to the impious and preserved her purity.


In the end she was thrown into a pit, where there was a large and poisonous snake and other reptiles and animals. She was left there for four months but none of the animals ever bothered her. Indeed the terrifying, for others, snake, became so accustomed by Maria's presence that it liked to lie to sleep by her side.

The pagans saw all these and felt puzzled because despite the hardships, Maria was in a good state, but they could not believe that it was God who gave her the strength and safeguard her. They thought that she was a witch. For this reason, after putting her through many hardships, the king ordered that she be beheaded.

She was marked at the neck and was led to the executioner. On the way an angel of the Lord made her invisible for a moment and took her out of the city. When Saint Maria understood what happened she felt sad because she wanted to became a witness for Christ. Then the angle said to her: "Do not feel sad, after going through so much, you are a martyr."

Then, after she glorified God, Maria wanted to go for a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. There, she spent her time praying in the churches, teaching and supporting the faithful, and giving catechism to the pagans. For this reason she was loved by many people who had her as their mother. In Jerusalem she denounced the Severian heresy, which taught that the divine nature in Christ suffered for which they read the Trisagion in the following form: "Holy God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal crucified for us, have mercy on us." Indeed, the Patriarch asked her to go to Constantinople to pray for the Christian kings. She replied that she did not have enough time left to do that. True enough, in a short time after saying that, while she was in the church of Saint Sergius in the city of Antioch Migdonia (Nisibis, today known as Nusaybin in Turkey), she knelt, prayed for the world and delivered her soul to the hands of God.

The Greek Orthodox Church remember her every year on July 13 while in the Slavic Orthodox Churches on 12 July. Codex 266 on Patmos says that her martyrdom was recorded by Eustratios, presbyter of the Great Church, who also wrote the life of Saint Eutychios.

HYMN OF PRAISE: THE HOLY FEMALE MARTYR GOLINDUC

by St. Nikolai Velimirovich

Golinduc of Persian origin,
The heavens saw and a Christian became,
Began to tread the narrow path
Blows to receive from all sides,
As an iron flint strikes,
From the strike, a glowing fire creates,
Thus, pain a human heart strikes.
Until the flame ignites what in the heart is concealed
And the dark paths of men illuminates,
The soul saves from passions sinful.
Golinduc, full of the Spirit of God,
Roof nor bread, did not have
In the world, any friends did not have;
The world, a camp of sufferers to her was
All she had, all for Christ she gave
Because of suffering, as gold she became,
As gold, by fire tempered
Her entire being thus became.
One by one, the torturers died out
Of their wealth, nothing did they take
Except misdeeds and the name of the Evil One.
Golinduc, before God came
As a beautiful fruitful olive tree,
Pure soul, a kin to the angels.

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The Obedience of Elder Cleopa Ilia to Elder Paisios


In 1977 Elder Cleopas went on a pilgrimage to Mount Athos. After visiting many monasteries he finally arrived at the cell of Elder Paisios, to whom he asked: "Father Paisios, I want to stay on Mount Athos. What advice do you have?"

Elder Paisios, who had the gift of foresight, told him:

"Father Cleopas, if you stay on Mount Athos you will be a flower among other spiritual flowers on the Holy Mountain, but if you go to Romania, and this you should do, you will be viewed as an apostle."

After hearing this, the Elder obeyed the words of Elder Paisios as if they came from God Himself, despite the love he had for the Holy Mountain.
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The Sayings of Amma Sarah of Scete

Saint Sarah, Mother of the Desert (Feast Day - July 13)

Amma (Mother) Sarah is known to us today primarily through the collected sayings of the Desert Fathers. Amma Sarah was a hermit and lived a life dedicated to strict asceticism for some sixty years. She is said to have dwelt in a monastic cell, likely near the river Nile; a river at which she would never look. Perhaps her cell was near a women’s monastery where eventually she was tonsured and became an eldress. Sarah's sayings attest that the Saint spent her life battling a demon that tempted her towards fornication. Records indicate that Amma Sarah lived near Scetis. She may have died in 370 at about 80 years old, or she may have lived into the fifth century. She seems to have been literate and well educated.

THE SAYINGS OF THE DESERT FATHERS

1. It was related of Amma Sarah that for thirteen years she waged warfare against the demon of fornication. She never prayed that the warfare should cease but she said, ‘O God, give me strength.’

2. Once the same spirit of fornication attacked her more insistently, reminding her of the vanities of the world. But she gave herself up to the fear of God and to asceticism and went up onto her little terrace to pray. Then the spirit of fornication appeared corporally to her and said, ‘Sarah, you have overcome me.’ But she said, ‘It is not I who have overcome you, but my master, Christ.’

3. It was said concerning her that for sixty years she lived beside a river and never lifted her eyes to look at it.

4. Another time, two old men, great anchorites, came to the district of Pelusia to visit her. When they arrived one said to the other, ‘Let us humiliate this old woman.’ So they said to her, ‘Be careful not to become conceited thinking to yourself: “Look how anchorites are coming to see me, a mere woman.” ‘But Amma Sarah said to them, ‘According to nature I am a woman, but not according to my thoughts.’

5. Amma Sarah said, ‘If I prayed God that all men should approve of my conduct, I should find myself a penitent at the door of each one, but I shall rather pray that my heart may be pure towards all.’

6. She also said, ‘I put out my foot to ascend the ladder, and I place death before my eyes before going up it.’

7. She also said, ‘It is good to give alms for men’s sake. Even if it is only done to please men. Through it one can begin to seek to please God.’

8. Some monks of Scetis came one day to visit Amma Sarah. She offered them a small basket of fruit. They left the good fruit and ate the bad. So she said to them, ‘You are true monks of Scetis.’

9. She also said to the brothers, ‘It is I who am a man, you who are women.’

10. Amma Sarah sent someone to say to Abba Paphnutius, ‘Have you really done the work of God by letting your brother be despised?’ and Abba Paphnutius said, ‘Paphnutius is here with the intention of doing the work of God, and he has nothing to do with anyone else.’

From The Sayings of the Desert Fathers (Apophthegmata Patrum: The Alphabetical Collection) translated by Benedicta Ward and published by Cistercian Publications (Kalamazoo: 1984).


THE MATERICON

There are striking contrasts between the sayings recorded for men to read in The Sayings of the Desert Fathers and those recorded for women in the lesser known Matericon. It is important to read both in order to understand St. Sarah:

1. Blessed Sarah said: 'I fear three things: when the soul must depart from the body, when I must be presented to God, and when the last decree will be made about me on the day of Judgment. Thinking about this I am terrified and tremble.' (page 2)

2. Once Blessed Sarah saw a young nun laughing, and said to her: 'Do not laugh, sister, because by this you chase away from yourself the fear of God, and are subjected to the mockery of the devil.' (9)

3. Blessed Sarah said: 'I know that a scant amount of bread, and fasting, slim down the body, but vigils exhaust the flesh even more than fasting.' (17)

4. Blessed Sarah said: 'Nothing humbles the soul more than the scarcity of bread and water. When the enemy wants to take a city, he first stops the food and water supplies, and they thus give themselves up even against their will. So is it for a monastic — unless he restrains his stomach with hunger and thirst, he cannot rid himself of evil thoughts.' (18)

5. She also said: 'If a person remembers the words of Scripture: "By your words you shall be justified, and by your words you shall be condemned" (Mt. 12:37), then he will choose to remain silent.' (19)

6. She also said: 'As smoke chases away bees and makes it possible to remove from them the sweetness of their labor, so also bodily rest chases away the fear of God from the soul and destroys all her good work.' (20)

7. Blessed Sarah said: 'One who is satiated and who speaks to a youth has already committed fornication in his mind. If this is so, then how do we nuns dare to speak, eat and sit next to men? Christ said: "If I had not come and spoken unto them, they had not had sin: but now they have no cloak for their sin" (Jn. 15:22). So too for us — having seen and suffered this, and been tempted by this in much — we command you, the young nuns, to preserve yourselves by all means from men’s faces, even if they are brothers. Those who do not listen to us will understand their fornication when it is revealed to them at the time of their departure; and on the day of Judgment they will have us as their accusers.' (36)

8. Again she said: 'One must not accept the following two thoughts: fornication and judgment of one’s neighbor. When the enemy presents one of these we must rise up and pray; and pray again, with tears to God, and God will deliver us.' (37)

9. They said of Blessed Sarah that she was attacked greatly by the demon of fornication for fifteen years, and she never prayed to see an easement in this war but only said: 'God strengthen me!' (38)

10. They also relate about her that once when the spirit of fornication especially attacked her with many vain worldly images she undertook even stricter asceticism: fasting, vigils, sleeping on the ground and prayer. In the midst of this battle she went up onto the roof of her cell and the spirit of fornication appeared to her visibly and said: 'You have vanquished me, Sarah.' And she said to him: 'It is not I who have vanquished you but Christ my Lord.' (39)

11. Blessed Matrona said about our holy Mother Sarah, that she showed such a wondrous and honorable patience that devils trembled before her and angels glorified her. The blessed one, living in stillness in a cell which was on the shore of the river, during the sixty years of her life therein never once looked down onto the river (so as not to see her own reflection upon the water). (48)

12. One nun came to Blessed Sarah and said to her: 'Pray for me, my lady.' The blessed one said to her: 'Neither will I have mercy on you nor will God unless you have mercy on yourself, fulfilling the virtues as the Fathers have commanded us.' (57)

13. A nun asked Blessed Sarah: 'Tell me, my lady, how can I be saved?' The saint said to her: 'Be as though you were dead: do not care about human dishonor; nor about worldly glory; in stillness, retreat into your cell; continually remember only God and death, and you will be saved.' (58)

14. Once a sister came to Blessed Sarah and brought along with her food and wine from the world. Bowing, she offered her the food, and also the wine. The blessed one took everything except the wine, saying: 'Take this death away from me.' Then, looking at her, she added: 'How dare you touch wine, being as young as you are, or dare even to smell it? Do you not know that Noah and Lot suffered much from wine?' The nun said to her: 'My lady, if I do not use wine, my stomach does not work.' The blessed one said to her: 'Unless your stomach hurts, and unless you slim down your body and become like a dried up tree, how will the grace of the Spirit reside in you? Fear God — as young as you are, how dare you drink wine? It is already fifty-nine years that I have lived in this cell, and by the grace of Christ I have never tasted wine. In the beginning, the devil oppressed me very much, tempting me to drink wine and break my good intention — to such a degree that I cannot even express, because he brought me a three-year long illness and used innumerable snares in order to bend me from my good intention — but disregarding the difficulty and pain, I vanquished the thought with the help of my Lord. Know this, that one who does not suffer for God here, how will the good Lord have mercy on him on the day of Judgment?' Then the nun bowed to her and said: 'So from now on, my lady, I will not drink wine. I promise this before God and before you, even if I die because of this; only remember me in your prayers.' The blessed one got up, and after a prayer she let her go. (59)

15. A nun once came to Blessed Sarah and said to her: 'My lady! Why do thoughts and passions not leave me?' The blessed one answered: 'Their vessels are inside of you — give back the mortgage and they will leave.' (60)

16. Once, two great and holy Elders — hermits from the Pelousian area — came to Blessed Sarah. When they were leaving her they said to each other: 'Watch out, Mother, that you not exalt yourself in your mind, saying: "Now hermits come to me, a woman."' To this, the blessed one said with humility and tears: 'I am a woman by nature, my Fathers, but in mind I am a man.' (61)

17. They asked Blessed Sarah: 'What is the narrow and sorrowful path?' And she answered: 'The narrow and sorrowful path is this: to sit in stillness, fast, be silent, stay up in vigils, read, make a multitude of prostrations if there is strength, not go out from the cell at all except to the church, and to cut off one’s own will for the sake of God. This last is what is meant by the words of the Apostle to the Lord: "Behold, we have forsaken all, and followed You"' (Mt. 19:27). (63)

18. Blessed Theodora asked Blessed Sarah: 'What am I to do? Many thoughts attack me.' The holy one answered: 'Do not battle with all of them, but just one; because all bad thoughts have only one as their head. Fight against this chief one and all other thoughts will surrender. The battle against this main thought consists of: stillness, fasting, sleeping on the ground, tears from the heart, a multitude of prostrations, the beating of one’s breast and humility. This is the battle, and these are the weapons that we must use against the head of evil thoughts. With this you will vanquish the thought by the grace of Chirst. There is no other way to conquer them!' (66)

19. Again she said: 'As long as the soul loves its body it cannot love God, because the Lord said: "He that loves his life shall lose it; and he that hates his life in this world shall keep it unto life eternal"' (Jn. 12:25). (67)

20. Blessed Sarah said: 'Even though the saints toiled here (in this world), they still received, even here, a portion of rest.' This she said because they were free from earthly cares. (69)

21. She said also: 'If we search out the Lord with effort, through the virtues, He will appear to us; and if we remain in stillness, He will remain with us.' (70)

22. She said again: 'The following chase away the remembrance of God from the soul: much speaking, delight in anything, laughter, wandering outside the cell, associations with men, anger, leaving off from reading and contemplation, care about worldly vanity, forgetfulness of death. All this chases away the remembrance of God. But a wise nun, when she notices any of these evils in herself, hurries to correct them as a zealous servant of God, and thereby she avoids all the nets of the evil one.' (71)

23. She said again: 'As long as you live in the body do not exalt yourself in your heart, as one who has accomplished something good. Then the enemy will not be able to find in you any access to throw you into dishonorable passion.' (72)

24. She said again: 'Let us honor the One, and everyone will honor us. If we disdain the One — that is, God — then all will disdain us and we will go into the dark fire.' (73)

25. Again she said: 'The words of the Lord: "I was in prison, and you came unto Me" (Mt. 25:36) mean to sit in the cell and, with temperance, to remember God until one’s last breath.' (74)

From The Matericon: Instructions of Abba Isaiah to the Honorable Nun Theodora is published by the St. Paisius Serbian Orthodox Monastery.


PRAYER OF THE SIXTH HOUR OF THE DAY

Written by Amma Sarah

O Lord,
You who have measured
The heights and the earth
In the hollow of your hand,
And created the six-wing Seraphim
To cry out to you with an unceasing voice
Holy, Holy, Holy,
Glory to your name.
Deliver me
From the mouth of the evil one, O Master.
Forget my many evil deeds
And through the multitude of your compassions
Grant me daily forgiveness,
For you are blessed unto the ages. Amen.

From An Anthology of Patristic Prayers, translated by Nikolaos S. Hatzinikolaou, published by Holy Cross Orthodox Press.

Apolytikion in the Plagal of the Fourth Tone
In you, O Venerable Mother Sarah, the faithful image of God shone forth, for you carried your cross and followed Christ. You taught by your deeds how to spurn the body, for it passes away, and how to value the soul, for it is immortal. Wherefore, your soul is forever in blessedness with the angels.

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“Expiation” Rather Than “Propitiation”


by the Very Rev. John Breck

In the previous column, we stressed the point that God does not “punish” us for our sinfulness. If He allows us to know pain and suffering, it should not be construed as punishment meted out in vengeful anger. Because God in His very essence is Love, any suffering we may know or any penance we may be called to exercise is to be understood as a function of that love. Its purpose is not to exact retribution, to demand from us some penance or payment to compensate for offenses we have committed against the divine righteousness. It is to guide, chasten and purify us, so as to encourage an attitude of repentance that alone enables us to reenter the sphere of God’s holiness. God does not punish us; He does not condemn us. As the scripturally based prayer of absolution declares: “God desires not the death of a sinner, but that the sinner turn from his evil ways and live.”

Yet this leaves us with an unavoidable question. How are we to understand the biblical images of judgment and condemnation that occur in Jesus’ parables and other teachings: images of persons cast into “outer darkness” (Mt 22:13), or into “unquenchable fire” (Mt 3:12; 18:8), or into “Hades/Gehenna” (Lk 10:15; 12:5)? What are we to make of the frequent references, from the Psalms (20:10; 77:31, LXX) to St Paul (Rom 1:18 passim), that speak of divine “wrath,” directed against human sin? Don’t these references oblige us to look at suffering and death as wages of sin, paid out by the God of righteousness, who abhors sin and “hates evildoers” (Ps 5:5)?

To begin a reply, we need to clarify a few terms that easily lead to misunderstanding, particularly the notions of “propitiation” and “wrath.” As we pointed out in the last column, a great deal of confusion arises from the fact that we have adopted a Western notion of “repentance” that sees penance as an obligatory payment we must make in order to assuage God’s wrath and obtain forgiveness of our sin. Under medieval Latin influence, we have confused “propitiation” and “expiation.” The former implies that since we ourselves are sinful by nature, we cannot offer a “reasonable sacrifice” to God that He will find acceptable. Only the divine Son, sinless and holy, constitutes a “satisfactory” offering to the holy and righteous God (Anselm); and God (in His mercy!) accepts the torture and death of His Son as the means by which those who believe in Him achieve “vicarious atonement.” Jesus is thus conceived as our sacrificial offering, our means of propitiation, in the face of divine judgment.

The inadequacy of that understanding, however, is clear from Scripture itself. The biblical terms ilasmos and ilasterion should be translated “expiation” rather than “propitiation” (as for example, in 1 Jn 2:2; 4:10; Rom 3:25). They signify the work of “atonement” in the sense of reparation for sin by means of God’s self-offering in Christ. It is that divine initiative, that self-offering by God Himself, which elicits from us faith manifested as repentance and good deeds. The work of atonement – achieving redemption and reconciliation between ourselves and God – is wholly God’s: it is not our offering to the Father, but His gracious offering to us. In His boundless mercy and love, “God was in Christ, reconciling the world to Himself” (2 Cor 5:19). Our response to divine judgment, in other words, is not to offer propitiation: some payment we make or punishment we suffer in order to purchase forgiveness and salvation. Our response, rather, is to turn, to change direction, in an inner movement – inspired and directed by the indwelling Spirit of God – that leads us from “works of the flesh” to “gifts of the Spirit” (Gal 5:16-25), from sin and death to repentance and faith (which are two sides of the same coin).

What then of “divine wrath”? Although the ancient Israelites believed in a God who became angry and vengeful, as well as forgiving and merciful, Jesus and the apostolic writers present God as preeminently the God of love. To St Paul’s mind, in any case, divine wrath is always directed toward non-believers, those who have heard the gospel message and have rejected it. For the apostle, “divine wrath” is a metaphorical expression (an “anthropomorphism”) that describes God’s way of responding to unrepentant sinners: by allowing them “to stew in their own juice.” Like the notion of punishment, divine wrath is to be understood not as God’s direct action against us, but as an expression of His silence, His apparent absence in the life and experience of those who reject Him. While we are in this state in which He has seemingly abandoned us, God allows us to suffer the consequences of our sinful actions, including our refusal to repent. It is not God who punishes and condemns us; we do it to ourselves (God “gives us up” to the consequences of the sin for which we are wholly responsible, Rom 1:24f). As One whose very nature is Love, God desires that all come to repentance, in order that all may enjoy the free, unmerited gift of eternal life and eternal joy. The way to that life and that joy, once again, is repentance: a change of “mind” (meta-noia), a conversion and radical reorientation of our life from slavery in sin to freedom in the Spirit.

The great spiritual elders of the Church can certainly speak of “the great anger of God the Judge,”1 and of the spiritual benefits that accrue from “fear of punishment” for our sins. We need to take these indications very seriously, for God does manifest Himself as “angered” by our rebellion; and as St Symeon declares, “Fear of punishment hereafter and the suffering it engenders are beneficial to all who are starting out on the spiritual way.”2 The image of divine anger, and the summons to “fear punishment,” however, serve a single purpose: to call us to repentance.

As the Fathers also insist, “When a man abandons his sins and returns to God, his repentance regenerates him and renews him entirely.”3 This renewal restores in us the very image of God: not because we have “become perfect,” but because, by humbly confessing our sins and turning from them – again and again throughout this life, and only by the grace and mercy of the God who loves us beyond all we can hope or expect – we “regain our true splendor, just as the moon after the period of waning clothes itself once more in its full light.”4

Notes:

1. St John of Sinai (+ 649), The Ladder of Divine Ascent 5:32, (Willits, CA: Eastern Orthodox Books, 1973), p. 108.

2. St Symeon the New Theologian (+ 1022), “Practical and Theological Texts” #65-66, The Philokalia IV (London: Faber & Faber, 1995), p. 37.

3. St Isaiah the Solitary (4th-5th c.), “Twenty-Seven Texts on Guarding the Intellect” #22, The Philokalia I (London: Faber & Faber, 1979), p. 26.

4. St John of Karpathos (7th c.?), “One Hundred Texts for the Encouragement of the Monks in India” #4, The Philokalia I, p. 299.


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On Simplicity of Clothing


by St. Nikolai Velimirovich

A man adorns simple clothing and ornate clothing adorns a man. Simple clothing calls attention to the man, but ornate clothing calls attention to itself.

The passion for ornate clothing simply drains and withers the soul of man. This is the real reason why the Church from time immemorial stood against opulence in dress and recommended the simple and plain.

Among the countless Christian saints there is no mention of one for whom ornate clothing helped to attain sanctity. Many great and wise kings, not only Christians but also heathens, loved simplicity in dress. Thus, it is said that the Emperor Augustus Octavius, during whose reign the Lord Christ was born wore only simple clothing which was woven for him by his wife, sister or daughter. Of King Charles V, it is said, that he wore such simple clothing that even ordinary citizens, his subjects, were better dressed than he.

A man once invited the glorious Greek military general Philopomenes to dinner in whose home he had never previously entered. Philopomenes arrived at the home of his host a little early. The host had not yet arrived and, the hostess not knowing Philopomenes personally and seeing him attired in simple clothing, thought that he was a servant of Philopomenes who was sent in advance to inform her husband of the coming of the military general. Because of this, she ordered him to chop wood. Philopomenes willing acceded to her command and began to chop wood. When the host came and saw what this honored guest was doing, he was horrified and asked him: "Who dared to give this type of work to Philopomenes?" Quietly, the military general answered: "My clothing."
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The Geopolitics of Greece: A Sea at its Heart


The ancient Greek period is the last time that Greece had some semblance of political independence. It therefore offers insights into how Greek geography has crafted Greek strategy.

July 8, 2010
Hellenes Online

Throughout the history of Greece, its geography has been both a blessing and a curse, a blessing because it allowed Greece to dominate the “known Western world” for a good portion of Europe’s ancient history due to a combination of sea access and rugged topography. In the ancient era, these were perfect conditions for a maritime city-state culture oriented toward commerce and one that was difficult to dislodge by more powerful land-based opponents. This geography incubated the West’s first advanced civilization (Athens) and produced its first empire (ancient Macedon).

However, Greek geography is also a curse because it is isolated on the very tip of the rugged and practically impassable Balkan Peninsula, forcing it to rely on the Mediterranean Sea for trade and communication. None of the Greek cities had much of a hinterland. These small coastal enclaves were easily defendable, but they were not easily unified, nor could they become large or rich due to a dearth of local resources. This has been a key disadvantage for Greece, which has had to vie with more powerful civilizations throughout its history, particularly those based on the Sea of Marmara in the east and the Po, Tiber and Arno valleys of the Apennine Peninsula to the west.

Peninsula at the Edge of Europe

Greece is located in southeastern Europe on the southernmost portion of the Balkan Peninsula, an extremely mountainous peninsula extending south from the fertile Pannonian plain. The Greek mainland culminates in what was once the Peloponnesian Peninsula and is now a similarly rugged island separated by the man-made Corinth Canal. Greek mountains are characterized by steep cliffs, deep gorges and jagged peaks. The average terrain altitude of Greece is twice that of Germany and comparable to the Alpine country of Slovenia. The Greek coastline is also very mountainous with many cliffs rising right out of the sea.

Greece is easily recognizable on a map by its multitude of islands, about 6,000 in total. Hence, Greece consists of not only the peninsular mainland but almost all of the Aegean Sea, which is bounded by the Dodecanese Islands (of which Rhodes is the largest) in the east, off the coast of Anatolia, and Crete in the south. Greece also includes the Ionian Islands (of which Corfu is the largest) in the west and thousands of islands in the middle of the Aegean. The combination of islands and rugged peninsular coastline gives Greece the 10th longest coastline in the world, longer than those of Italy, the United Kingdom and Mexico.

Mountainous barriers in the north and the northeast mean that the Greek peninsula is largely insulated from mainland Europe. Throughout its history, Greece has parlayed its natural borders and jagged terrain into a defensive advantage. Invasion forces that managed to make a landing on one of the few Greek plains were immediately met by high-rising cliffs hugging the coastline and well-entrenched Greek defenders blocking the path forward. The famous battle of Thermopylae is the best example, when a force of 300 Spartans and another 1,000 or so Greeks challenged a Persian force numbering in the hundreds of thousands. The Ottomans fared better than the Persians in that they actually managed to conquer Greece, but they ruled little of Greece’s vast mountainous interior, where roving bands of Greek brigands — called khlepts — blocked key mountain passes and ravines and entered Greek lore as heroes. To this day, its rugged topography gives Greece a regionalized character that makes effective, centralized control practically impossible. Everything from delivering mail to collecting taxes — the latter being a key factor in Greece’s ongoing debt crisis — becomes a challenge.

With rugged terrain come defensive benefits, but also two geographic handicaps. First, Greece is largely devoid of any land-based transport routes to mainland Europe. The only two links between Greece and Europe are the Axios and Strimonas rivers, both which drain into the Aegean in Greek Macedonia. The Axios (also called the Vardar River) is key because it connects to the Morava River in Central Serbia and thus forms an Axios-Morava-Danube transportation corridor. While no part of the river is actually navigable, one can travel up the Balkan Peninsula on valley roads. The Strimonas takes one from Greek Macedonia to Sofia, Bulgaria’s capital, and from there via the Iskar River through the Balkan Mountains to the Danubian plain of present-day Romania. Neither of these valleys is an ideal transportation route, however, since each forces the Greeks to depend on their Balkan neighbors to the north for links to Europe, historically an unenviable position for Greece.

The second handicap for Greece is that its high mountains and jagged coastline leave very little room for fertile valleys and plains, which are necessary for supporting large population centers. Greece has many rivers and streams that are formed in its mountains, but because of the extreme slope of most hills, most of these waterways create narrow valleys, gorges or ravines in the interior of the peninsula. This terrain is conducive to sheep- and goat-herding but not to large-scale agriculture.

This does not mean that there is no room for crops to grow. Indeed, rivers meeting the Aegean and Ionian seas carve short valleys that open to the coast where the sea breeze creates excellent conditions for agriculture. The problem is that, other than in Thessaly and Greek Macedonia, most of these valleys are limited in area. This explains to an extent why Greece, throughout its history, has retained a regionalized character, with each river estuary providing sufficient food production for literally one city-state and with jagged mountain peaks greatly complicating overland communication among these population centers. The only place where this is not the case is in Greek Macedonia — the location of present-day Thessaloniki — where a relatively large agricultural area provided for the West’s first true empire, led by Alexander the Great.

Lack of large areas of arable land combined with poor overland transportation also complicate capital formation. Each river valley can supply its one regional center with food and sufficient capital for one trading port, but this only reinforces Greece’s regionalized mentality. From the perspective of each region, there is no reason why it should supply the little capital it generates to a central government when it could just as well use that capital to develop a naval capability of its own, crucial for bringing in food via the Aegean. This creates a situation where the whole suffers from a lack of coordination and capital generation while substantial resources are spent on dozens of independent maritime regions, a situation best illustrated by ancient Greek city-states, most of which had independent navies. Considering that developing a competent navy is one of the costliest of state endeavors, one can imagine how such a regionalized approach to naval development constrained an already capital-poor Greece.

The lack of capital generation is therefore the most serious implication of Greek geography. Situated as far from global flows of capital as any European country that considers itself part of the West, Greece finds itself surrounded by sheltered ports, most of which are protected by mountains and cliffs that drop off into the sea. This affords Greece little room for population growth, and contributes to its inability to produce much domestic capital. This, combined with the regionalized approach to political authority encouraged by mountainous geography, has made Greece a country that has been inefficiently distributing what little capital it has had for millennia.

Countries that have low capital growth and considerable infrastructural costs usually tend to develop a very uneven distribution of wealth. The reason is simple: Those who have access to capital get to build and control vital infrastructure and thereby make the decisions both in public and working life. In countries that have to import capital, this becomes even more pronounced, since those who control industries and businesses that bring in foreign cash have more control than those who control fixed infrastructure, which can always be nationalized (industries and businesses can move elsewhere if threatened with nationalization). When such uneven distribution of wealth is entrenched in a society, a serious labor-capital (or, in the European context, a left-right) split emerges. This is why Greece is politically similar to Latin American countries, which face the same infrastructural and capital problems, right down to periods of military rule and an ongoing and vicious labor-capital split.

Greek Core: The Aegean

Despite the limitations on its capital generation, Greece has no alternative but to create an expensive defensive capability that allows it to control the Aegean Sea. Put simply, the core of Greece is neither the breadbaskets of Thessaly and Greek Macedonia, nor the Athens-Piraeus metropolitan area, where around half of the population lives. The core of Greece is the Aegean Sea — the actual water, not the coastland — which allows these three critical areas of Greece to be connected for trade, defense and communication. Control of the Aegean also gives Greece the additional benefit of influencing trade between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Without control of the Aegean, there simply is no Greece.

To control the Aegean and Cretan seas, Greece has to control two key islands in its archipelago, Rhodes and Crete, as well as the Dodecanese archipelago. With those islands under its control, the Aegean and Cretan seas truly become Greek “lakes.” The other island of importance to Athens is Corfu, which gives Greece an anchor in the Otranto Strait and thus an awareness of threats emerging from the Adriatic.

Anything beyond the main Aegean islands and Corfu is not within the scope of Greece’s basic national security interests and can only be gained by the projection of power. In this strategic context, Cyprus becomes important as a way to distract and flank Turkey and break its communications with the Levant and Egypt, traditional spheres of Istanbul’s (and later Ankara’s) influence. Sicily is also within the range of Greek power projection, and at the height of Greece’s power in ancient times, Sicily was frequently colonized by Greek powers. Controlling Sicily gives Greece the key gateway into the western Mediterranean and brackets off the entire eastern half of the Mediterranean for itself. But neither is essential, and projecting Greek power toward either Sicily or Cyprus in the modern day is extremely taxing, although Greece has attempted it with Cyprus, an attempt that led to a near disastrous military confrontation with neighboring Turkey.

The cost of controlling just the Aegean Sea and its multitude of islands cannot be overstated. Aside from the monumental expense of maintaining a navy, Greece has the additional problem of having to compete with Turkey, which is still considered an existential threat for Greece.

In the modern context, this has also underscored the importance of air superiority over the Aegean. The Greek air force prides itself on maintaining a large and advanced fleet of front-line combat aircraft well in excess of the country’s economic means, and many observers believe that their fighter pilots are among the best and most experienced in Europe — and beyond (they regularly tangle with Turkish pilots over the Aegean).

But maintaining, owning and training a superior air force means that Greece was spending more than 6 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP) on defense, twice what other European countries were spending, just prior to the onset of the current financial crisis (it has since pledged to reduce it significantly, to below 3 percent). With no indigenous capital generation of its own, Greece has been forced to import capital from abroad to maintain such an advanced military. This is in addition to a generous social welfare system and considerable infrastructural needs created by its rugged geography. The result is the ongoing debt crisis that is threatening not only to collapse Greece but also to take the rest of the eurozone with it. The Greek budget deficit reached 13.6 percent of GDP in 2009, and government debt is approaching 150 percent of GDP.

Greece has not always been a fiscal mess. It has, in fact, been everything from a global superpower to a moderately wealthy European state to a political and economic backwater. To understand how this isolated, capital-poor country has devolved, we need to look beyond physical geography and contemplate the political geography of the region in which Greece has found itself throughout history.

From Ancient Superpower…

Ancient Greece gave the Western world its first culture and philosophy. It also gave birth to the study of geopolitics with Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War, which is considered to be a seminal work on international relations. It is an injustice to give the ancient Greek period a quick overview, since it deserves a geopolitical monograph of its own, but a brief look provides a relevant glimpse at how geography played a role in turning Greek city-states into a superpower. The political geography of the period was vastly different from that of the present day. The Mediterranean Sea was the center of the world, one in which a handful of Greek city-states clutching the coast of the Aegean Sea could launch “colonial” expeditions across the Mediterranean. The rugged geography also afforded these city-states a terrain that favored defense and allowed them to defeat more powerful opponents.

Nonetheless, the ancient Greek period is the last time that Greece had some semblance of political independence. It therefore offers insights into how Greek geography has crafted Greek strategy.

From this ancient period, we note that control of the Aegean was of paramount importance, as it still is today. The Greeks — faced with nearly impassible terrain on the Peloponnesian Peninsula — were forced to become excellent mariners. Securing the Aegean was also crucial in repelling two major Persian invasions in antiquity, and each major land battle had its contemporary naval battle to sever Persian supply lines. Once the existential Persian threat was eliminated, Athens, the most powerful of the Greek city-states, launched an attempt to expand itself into an empire. This included establishing control of key Aegean islands. That imperial extension essentially ended with a long, drawn-out campaign to occupy and hold Sicily, which would have formed the basis of control of the entire eastern Mediterranean, and to wrestle Cyprus from Persian control.

While the Athenians may have understood the geopolitics of the Mediterranean well, they did not have advanced bureaucratic and communications technology that makes running a country much easier in the modern age or the population with which to prosecute their plans. Athenian expeditions to Cyprus and Egypt were repulsed while Sicily became Athens’ endgame, causing dissent in the coalition of city-states that eventually brought about the end of Athenian power. This example only serves to illustrate how difficult it was to maintain control of mainland Greece. Athens settled for a loose confederation of city-states, which was not a sufficient basis of control on which to establish an empire.

Bitter rivalries among the various Peloponnesian city-states created a power vacuum in the 4th century B.C. that was quickly filled by the Kingdom of Macedon. Despite its reputation as the most “backward” of the Greek regions — in terms of culture, system of government, philosophy and arts — Macedon had something that the city-states did not: the ample agricultural land of the Axios and Strimonas river valleys — ample, at least, compared to the Peloponnesian Peninsula. Whereas Athens and other city-states depended on seaborne trade to obtain grain from regions beyond the Turkish straits and the Black Sea, Macedon had domestic agriculture. It also had an absolute authoritarian system of government that allowed it to launch the first truly Greek-dominant foray into global power projection under Alexander the Great.

This effort, however, could not be sustained. Ultimately, the estuary of Axios did not provide the necessary agricultural base to counter the rise of Rome, which was able to draw not only on the Tiber and Arno river valleys but also, in time, the large Po river valley. Rome first extended itself into the Greek domain by capturing the island of Corfu — illustrating the island’s importance as a point of invasion from the west — which had already fallen out of Greek hands in the 3rd century B.C. With Corfu secured, Rome had nothing standing between it and the Greek mainland, and through military campaigns ultimately secured control over all of Greece by 86 B.C.

The fall of Greece to Rome essentially wiped Greece out of the annals of history as an independent entity for the next 2,000 years and destined mainland Greece and the Peloponnesian Peninsula to the backwater status it had under Byzantine and Ottoman rule (save for Thessaloniki, which remained a key port and trading city in the Ottoman Empire). While it may be tempting to include Byzantium in the discussion of Greek geopolitics, since its culture and language were essentially Greek, the Byzantine geography was much more approximate to that of the Ottoman Empire and later Turkey than that of Greece proper. The core of Byzantium was the Sea of Marmara, which Byzantium held onto against the encroaching Ottoman Turks until the mid-15th century.

In the story of the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans, the territory of modern Greece is essentially an afterthought. It was the Ottoman advance through the Maritsa River valley that destroyed Bulgarian and Serbian kingdoms in the 14th century, allowing the Ottomans to then concentrate on consolidating the remaining Byzantine territories and conquering Constantinople in the mid-15th century after a brief interregnum caused by Mongol invasions of Anatolia. Greece proper was not conquered as much as it was abruptly severed from the rest of the Balkans — and therefore Christian Europe — by the Ottoman power that thoroughly dominated all the land and sea surrounding it.

…To Vassal State

The ascent of the Ottoman Empire created a new political geography around Greece that made an independent and powerful Greece impossible. The Ottoman Empire was an impressive political entity that plugged up the Balkans by controlling the southern flanks of the Carpathians in present-day Romania and the central Balkan Mountains of present-day Serbia and Bulgaria. Greece, as part of the Ottoman Empire, was not vital for Ottoman defense or purse, although Greeks as people were valued as administrators and were assigned as such to various parts of the empire. Greece itself, however, had become an afterthought.

If we had to pinpoint the exact time and place where political geography in southeastern Europe changed, we could look at Sept. 11, 1683, at around 5 p.m. on the battlefields near Vienna. It was here that Polish King Jan Sobieski III led what was, at the time, the largest cavalry charge in history against the Ottoman forces besieging Vienna. The result was not just a symbolic defeat for Istanbul but also a failure to plug the Vienna gap that the Danube and Morava (the Slovak, not Serbian Morava) rivers create between the Alps and the Carpathians.

Holding the Vienna gap would have allowed the Ottomans to focus their military resources in defense of the empire at a geographical bottleneck — Vienna — freeing up resources to concentrate on developing the Balkan hinterland. The Pannonian plain, fertile and capital rich because of the Danube, would have added additional resources. The Ottoman Empire did not crumble immediately after its failure in Vienna, but its stranglehold on the Balkans slowly began to erode as two new powers — the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires — rose to challenge it.

Without the Vienna gap secured, the Ottoman Empire was left without natural boundaries to the northwest. From Vienna down to the confluence of the Danube and Sava, where present-day Belgrade is located, the Pannonian plain is borderless save for rivers. The mountainous Balkans provide some protection but are equally difficult for the Ottomans to control without the time and resources to concentrate on assimilating the region. The loss of Vienna, therefore, exposed portions of the Balkan Peninsula to Western (and, crucially, Russian) influence and interests as well as Western notions of nationalism, which began circulating throughout the Continent with great force following the French Revolution.

First to turn against the Ottomans was Serbia in the early 19th century. The Greek struggle followed closely afterward. While initial Greek gains against the Ottomans in the 1820s were impressive, the Ottomans unleashed their Egyptian forces on Greece in 1826. The Europeans were at first resistant to help Christian Greece because the precedent set by the nationalist rebellion was equally unwelcome in multiethnic Russia and Austro-Hungary or the imperial United Kingdom. Ultimately, the Europeans had a greater fear that one of the three would move in and profit from the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and gain access to the eastern Mediterranean.

While Austro-Hungary and Russia had designs on the Balkans, more established European powers like the United Kingdom, France and (later in the 19th century) Germany wanted to limit any territorial gains by Vienna and St. Petersburg. This was vital for the United Kingdom, which did not want to allow the Russian Empire access to the Mediterranean.

Since the end of its war against the Ottomans in 1832, Greece has been geopolitically vital for the West. First it was vital for the British, as a bulwark against great-power encroachment on the crumbling Ottoman hold in the Balkans. The United Kingdom retained a presence — at various periods and in various capacities — in Corfu, Crete and Cyprus. To this day, the United Kingdom still has military installations in Cyprus that are considered sovereign territory under direct British rule.

Greece also became vital for the United States as part of the U.S. Soviet-containment strategy. To maintain influence in Greece, the United States intervened in the Greek Civil War (1946-1949), furnished the Greek merchant marine with ships after World War II, rushed Greece and Turkey into NATO in 1952 and continued to underwrite Greek defense outlays throughout the 20th century. Even a brief military junta in Greece, referred to as the “Rule of the Colonels” (1967-1974), did not affect Greek membership in NATO. Neither did Greece’s near-wars with fellow NATO member Turkey in 1964 (over Cyprus), in 1974 (over Cyprus again), in 1987 (over the Aegean Sea) and in 1996 (over an uninhabited island in the Aegean).

The United Kingdom and later the United States were willing to underwrite Greek defense expenditures and provide Greece with sufficient capital to be a viable independent state and enjoy a near-Western standard of living. In exchange, Greece offered the West a key location from which to plug Russian and later Soviet penetration into the Mediterranean basin.

Geopolitical Imperatives

Before we go into a discussion of the contemporary Greek predicament, we can summarize the story of Greek geography as told by history in a few strategic imperatives:

Secure control of the Aegean to maintain defensive and communication lines with key mainland population centers.
Establish control of Corfu, Crete and Rhodes to prevent invasions from the sea.
Hold the Axios River valley and as far up the valley as possible for agricultural land and access to mainland Europe.
Consolidate the hold on inland Greece by eliminating regional power centers and brigands, then collect taxes and concentrate capital in accordance with the needs of the state.
Extend control to outer islands such as Cyprus and Sicily to dominate the eastern Mediterranean (this is an imperative that Greece has not accomplished since ancient times).

Greece Today

With the collapse of the Soviet threat at the end of the Cold War and the subsequent end of the Balkan wars with the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia, the political geography of the region changed once again. This time the change was unfavorable for Athens. With the West largely uninterested in the affairs of the region, Greece lost its status as a strategic ally. And along with that status, Athens lost the political and economic support that allowed it to overcome its capital deficiencies.

This was evident to everyone but the Greeks. Countries rarely accept their geopolitical irrelevance lightly. Athens absolutely refused to. Instead it did everything it could to retain its membership in the first-world club, borrowing enormous sums of money to spend on the most sophisticated military equipment available and producing erroneous financial records to get into the eurozone. This is often lost amid the ongoing debt crisis, which is commonly described — mainly by the Western European press — as a result of Greek laziness, profligate spending habits and irresponsibility. But faced with a geography that engenders a capital- poor environment and an existential threat from Turkey that challenges its Aegean core, Greece had no alternative but to indebt itself after its Western patrons lost interest, and now even that option is in doubt. (Trying to keep up with its fellow EU states in terms of quality of life obviously played a role in Greece’s financial overextension, but this can also be placed in the context of keeping up with a modernizing Turkey next door.)

Today, Greece cannot even dream of achieving its fifth geopolitical imperative, dominating the eastern Mediterranean. Even its fourth imperative, the consolidation of inland Greece, is in question, as illustrated by Greece’s inability to collect taxes. Nearly 25 percent of the Greek economy is in the so-called “shadow” sector, by far the highest rate among the world’s developed countries.

Succeeding in maintaining control of the Aegean, Greece’s most important imperative, in the face of regional opposition is simply impossible without an outside patron. Going forward, the question for Greece is whether it will be able to accept its much-reduced geopolitical role. This, too, is out of its hands, depending as it does on the strategies that Turkey adopts. Turkey is a rising geopolitical power intent on spreading its influence in the Balkans, the Middle East and the Caucasus. The question is now whether Turkey will focus its intentions on the Aegean, or instead will be willing to make a deal with Greece in order to concentrate on other interests.

Ultimately, Greece needs to find a way to become useful again to one or more great powers — unlikely, unless a great-power conflict returns to the Balkans — or to sue for lasting peace with Turkey and begin learning how to live within its geopolitical means. Either way, the next three years will be defining ones in Greek history. The joint 110 billion-euro bailout package from the International Monetary Fund and European Union comes with severe austerity strings attached, which are likely to destabilize the country to a significant degree. Grafted onto Greece’s regionalized social geography, vicious left-right split and history of political and social violence, the IMF-EU measures will further weaken the central government and undermine its control. An eventual default is almost assured by the level of government debt, which will soon be above 150 percent of GDP.

It is only a question of when, not if, the Europeans pull the plug on Athens — which most likely will be at the first opportunity, when Greece does not present a systemic risk to the rest of Europe. At that point, without access to international capital or more bailout money, Greece could face a total collapse of political control and social violence not seen since the military junta of the 1970s. Greece, therefore, finds itself in a very unfamiliar situation. For the first time since the 1820s, it is truly alone.
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The Miracle in Albania


July 12, 2010

by Maria C. Khoury, Ed. D.

I always try to count my blessings in life and I try to live by following God’s will but today I have had the most extraordinary life experience that I can only glorify God for answering my prayers of ten years. If you needed prayers answered, please hang in there because in God’s time, all of our prayers are heard and answered. I reassure you that this has been my experience as I have placed my life in God’s hands living in the Holy Land.

I have always admired and respected the amazing work of His Beatitude Anastasios Archbishop of Tirana, Duress and all Albania and today I have experienced the most beautiful liturgy in a language I did not understand in Tirana, Albania at the glorious Annunciation Cathedral where his Beatitude served with twelve other priests.

Archbishop Anastasios generously hosted a consultation at St. Vlash Theological Academy sponsored by the World Council of Churches with Dr. Fulata Lusungu Moyo, the Program Executive of Women in Church and Society bringing together twenty three participants from Africa, Asia, Europe, Middle East, North and South America. The archbishop’s inspirational words on the wounded-ness and the holistic healing in reviving the faith and hope of the members of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania in the last nineteen years offered an essential context for other deep reflections during the gathering. It is the second such WCC conference that I have personally attended dealing with Top of Form Orthodox Women Facing the Challenges & Ambivalences of the Post-Modern Societies.

What I personally view as the miracle in Albania is the fact that from the time of communism over 1600 churches where destroyed, damaged, used as storage centers during the period of great persecution; and after July 1991 when His Beatitude arrived for the ministry in Albania, he basically took a community that was dead and helped it reach its resurrection by immediately restoring and re-building 160 new churches, and educating and ordaining over 140 priests to serve the diverse ethnic communities while establishing 50 youth group centers. In a special session for the current conference, all of the participants felt that Archbishop Anastasios was the healer of Albania in his capacity to transfer the message of Christ to preach and to heal the deep wounds of the atheistic persecution. It is not possible to be in his presence and not feel you are in the presence of a living saint. He is truly a holy man. In his most humble manner he tries to explain that the first effort of the church was to simply exist and the deep wounds of ethnic identities in Albania continue to be healed in the last nineteen years as the Gospel is being preached.

The most meaningful message for me living in an area of high conflict among Jews, Christians and Muslims are the well known words of Archbishop Anastasios found in his books, videos, power point presentations stating “The oil of religion should never be used to inflame the fires of hatred but should be used to soothe and heal the wounds of others.” His personal philosophy complimented our consultation on wounded-ness and healing. The gathering was enriched not only by the presence of Orthodox men but also of other men and women from Christian traditions exploring the healing offered as a common gift of our Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ.

The three day conference closed with many recommendations to the World Council of Churches for follow up meetings and with the conclusion that Christian communities are called to give witness to the unity of men and women in common action for healing, promoting justice, peace, mutual understanding, and tolerance and above all love according to the needs of the wounded people in each concrete social context. My particular presentation was on the struggle and nightmare of the Palestinians to survive and keep their dignity and land with specific focus on the suffering Christian community.

Now, I am in need of your prayers to pass the Israeli security and return to my family.

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Monday, July 12, 2010

Ecumenical Patriarch: Orthodoxy Does Not Fear Dialogue


On Tuesday, July 7, 2010, His All Holiness Patriarch Bartholomew presided over the Divine Liturgy for the commemoration of St. Kyriaki the Great Martyr at St. Kyriaki of Kontoskali. In attendance were Consul General of Greece in Istanbul, Vasilios Bornovas, numerous clergy and lay pilgrims from Istanbul and Greece, as well as former residents of Kontoskali currently living in Greece.

July 7 is also the anniversary of the falling asleep in the Lord of Ecumenical Patriarch Athenagoras who passed away in 1972. Remembering his predecessor, Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew said that "he created the Ecumenical Movement for our Patriarchate, he contracted relations with Rome, with the World Council of Churches, with all the Inter-Christian organizations, and showed the good disposition of Orthodoxy to dialogue with every man of good will, hence revealing that we do not fear dialogue, while believing that we possess the Truth."

After greeting various Orthodox and Catholic theologians who were in attendance, the Patriarch further said: "We Orthodox believe that on the foundation of the indivisible Church of the first millennium we can find a sure way to come together and unite. The Church which was founded by Christ, the Church of the Symbol of Faith, at no point in time lost its unity. We Christians are divided and want to unite in the visible unity of the Church. For this we struggle and uphold fervently Theological Dialogue between Rome and Orthodoxy, because it is not only a dialogue between Rome and New Rome, that is Constantinople, but a dialogue between Elder Rome and World Orthodoxy."

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Elder Paisios and Little Paisios


The photo above depicts "Little Paisios" playing while surrounded by his family to whom he brings much joy, especially to his mother. When doctors told her to get an abortion and not go through with childbirth because of her weak heart, Elder Paisios told her that her child's heart is so strong that it will over-power her weak heart. The woman listened to Elder Paisios putting her life in danger and gave birth to a healthy baby boy, whom she named "Paisios" in honor of the Elder.

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The Holy Monastery of Saint Euphemia in Kerkyra


The Monastery of Saint Euphemia in Mon Repo, Kerkyra is among the oldest on the Greek island, dating back at least to the 15th century. According to tradition, on the spot where the katholikon (central church) is situated today, there was an older church dedicated to Saint Euphemia. It was in these ruins that a miraculous icon of Saint Euphemia was recovered. In 1478 Antonios Mousoulis built the Monastery which operated as a coenobium. The Monastery had acquired much land and property on the island, but this mainly disappeared under the Turks in 1716. Among the properties of the Monastery was the Church of Saint Panteleimon in Μοn Repo. In older times the Monastery had about 16 nuns, but today there are only 3 who work very hard to upkeep the Monastery and give generous hospitality to visitors. The Holy Monastery celebrates twice yearly on July 11 and September 16 in honor of Saint Euphemia.


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Religion, Violence and War


Why Religion Does Not Equal War

Matt J. Rossano
July 7, 2010
Huffington Post

"After ferrying the Crusaders across the Bosphorus Straits, Byzantine Christians reported their horror at witnessing the Crusading knights and peasants skewering and roasting children on spits, as the invaders advanced from Nysea in Anatolia...to Marj Uyun in Lebanon. When the soldiers finally took Jerusalem in 1099, they celebrated their victory by burning alive all the Jews they could find, massacring Moslem women and children, and destroying most mosques and every synagogue in the Holy City. For two hundred years, claims James Reston, the Crusades unleashed 'a frenzy of hate and violence unprecedented before the technological age and the scourge of Hitler."

So goes the description from anthropologist Scott Atran's book In Gods We Trust (Oxford Press 2002, p. 289). Exhibit A among the gruesome atrocities committed in the name of religion. But are the crimes of the Christian Crusaders any worse than, say, what the Romans did after sacking Jerusalem in 70 AD? Maybe not, but there is experimental evidence showing that religious motivation can intensify violent inclinations. Brad Bushman (and colleagues) at the University of Michigan had subjects read a biblical passage endorsing violence and later found that these subjects behaved significantly more aggressively in a competitive game compared to those who believed the passage was from a (non-divine) ancient text. So would we be a more peaceful species without religion?

To my knowledge there has only been one attempt to actually quantify religion's role in war-making throughout human history. As part of a special they were airing on the subject, the BBC asked Dr. Greg Austin, a research Fellow in the Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, to investigate religion's role in the history of war. Austin, with the help of colleagues Todd Kranock and Thom Oommen, conducted the War Audit, where they evaluated all the major conflicts over the past 3,500 years -- 73 wars in all. The wars were rated on a 0-5 scale for religious motivation, with 5 indicating the highest religious motivation. So for example, The First and Second Punic Wars (264-241 and 218-201 BC respectively) rated a 0, while the Crusades (1097-1291) rated a 5. While conceding that subjectivity always plays some role in these sorts of assessments, Austin and colleagues, nevertheless, maintained that the general trend they observed was "beyond debate" (p. 12).

Brace yourselves, those for whom religion equals war. The majority of all wars (44/73 or 60 percent) had no religious motivation whatsoever -- a zero rating. Only three wars -- the Arab conquests of 632-732, the much ballyhooed Crusades, and the Reformation Wars of the 16th and 17th centuries - earned a 5, and were thus considered to be truly religious wars. Only seven wars earned a rating of 3 or more -- less than 10 percent. Thus, the vast majority of all wars involved either no religious motivation or only a modest one. The authors concluded by noting that "there have been few genuinely religious wars in the last 100 years. The Israel/Arab wars were wars of nationalism and liberation of territory" (p. 16).

The authors of the War Audit claim that their work was not intended as "a piece of original academic analysis" (p. 1), but instead as something that would "stimulate discussion rather than provide the final word on the role of religion in violent conflict over time" (p. 15).

As a committed evolutionist, my pet theory is that ultimately most (maybe all) wars are about men fighting over resources critical to reproductive success (status, power, land, money, women, etc.). War requires large-scale coordination and motivation, and here is where religion can play a role -- it is a powerful unifying and motivating force. But in the absence of religion, I think it is hopelessly naïve to believe that we'll all just give up our ambitions, drop our rocks and hug. We'll find some other reason to kill each other, if we're convinced that there is gain to be had by doing so.

More so than any other creature (some would argue uniquely so), we humans have been adapted for culture. All the high-minded talk about a "common human family" is fine, but pretty useless when comes to solving real human conflicts. We are cultural creatures and it is culture that unites and divides. With that in mind, try this little exercise:

Take your pointer finger and place it on Marrakech, Morocco in North Africa. Now run your finger across the vast expanse of Northern Africa, across the Red Sea and Arabian Peninsula, now north to the Caucasus Mountains, east across Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, down around India, and across the Andaman Sea to Indonesia. Ponder for a moment the multitude of nationalities, ethnic groups, tribes, cultures, languages, and life ways your finger past across. What's the only possible cultural product that these wildly diverse peoples might have in common? Like it or not, the answer is religion -- in this case Islam. You could repeat this little exercise starting in Budapest, Hungary and tracing across southern Europe, over the Atlantic to Canada, down North America to Central and South America and all the way to the tip of Tierra del Fuego -- and again the only thing all these people might share would be religion, in this case Roman Catholicism.

If you want more peace, does it make rational sense to start by getting rid of the one thing that the largest number of people have in common? Outside of kinship, nature has come up with nothing more effective for creating group cohesion than religion. Sadly, that in-group unity often carries with it greater out-group animosity. But we might take a lesson from nature. She works with what she is given, adapting structures piecemeal to fit better with the current environment. Our best shot might be to do the same with religion; working with it, adapting it so as to retain its unifying benefits while trying to minimize its tribalistic dangers. An important message from the War Audit is that religion's record on war may not be anywhere near as bad as is popularly believed, and therefore its potential for peace may be far greater than what many have imagined.
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Dracula Was A Victim Of Bad Propaganda


Dracula Was Not Bloodthirsty, Just A Victim Of Bad Propaganda, New Exhibition Claims

Vlad the Impaler, the medieval Romanian prince who inspired the character of Count Dracula, was not a blood-thirsty tyrant, he was simply a misunderstood victim of bad Western European propaganda, a new exhibition has claimed.

By Nick Squires
11 Jul 2010
Telegraph.co.uk

The show, which has just opened in Bucharest, attempts to rehabilitate Vlad Tepes, also known as Vlad Dracula or Vlad the Impaler, who ruled Wallachia in the 15th century.

"Vlad Dracula was doubtlessly cruel, but not more so than other princes of his time," said Margot Rauch, the Austrian curator of the exhibition, entitled "Dracula - Voivode and Vampire".

Vlad was born in the town of Sighisoara, in Transylvania, in 1431. He ruled over Wallachia, now a region of Romania, between 1456 and 1462 and was reputed to have killed thousands of political opponents, common criminals and captured Turkish soldiers by having them impaled on sharp wooden stakes. It is estimated he had 50,000 people put to death.

He is also said to have committed other atrocities, including torturing, roasting, dismembering and drowning his enemies.

But despite the historical evidence, according to Ms Rauch, "In fact he was a victim of bad propaganda".

She said historical studies presented in the exhibition show legends related to Vlad Dracula were "aimed at presenting eastern Europe as a primitive land and a source of evil".

The exhibition includes portraits of Vlad from the Kunsthistoriches Museum in Vienna and the Schloss Ambras museum in Innsbruck, as well as manuscripts which depicted him as a blood-thirsty maniac.

One of the engravings, dating back to 1500, shows him having a meal under the eyes of a dozen impaled men, while others have their limbs lopped off and their heads boiled in cauldrons.

Many Romanians regard Vlad as a hero because he fought the invading Ottoman Turks.

The legends about his rule inspired Bram Stoker's novel "Dracula", published in 1897, and later formed the basis of countless books, films and television dramas.

The famous image of Dracula, with his deathly pale skin, dark cape and blood-stained fangs, came largely from seven Dracula films made by Universal Studios between 1930 and 1960.

"It's time to see Vlad Dracula in another light than that given by Hollywood," said Ms Rauch.
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